Medeshi March 17, 2009
Update on Somaliland election preparation
Progress on preparation for the elections has been slow in the past weeks. Data cleaning based on fingerprinting has been going well, but it seems that the facial recognition part of the process may take longer than expected.
Many of you may have heard the tragic news that the newly appointed head of the Voter Registration process within the Electoral Commission (NEC), Hassan Mohamed Loshade, died of heart failure on Friday afternoon. He had only resumed his role as Chair of VR that morning and had had a series of meetings with Interpeace, members of the Democratisation Programme, and other groups earlier in the day, before collapsing and dying in hospital that afternoon. Loshade came from the eastern Sanaag, and they are now involved in nominating his replacement on the Commission. The Chair of NEC, Jama 'Sweden', has meanwhile appointed a past NEC Chair, Mohamed Yusuf, as Chair of Voter Registration.
President Rayaale has just returned to Hargeisa after the trip that took him to London for talks with Foreign Secretary Miliband and to Ethiopia.
Over two weeks has now elapsed since the NEC announced that a 90 day delay would be needed in order for preparations for the election to be completed, and in the light of recent events, including the lack of visible progress on agreeing a firm new date, there is some discussion that even an election day of 31st May may not allow sufficient time. Under the terms of the Memorandum of Understanding signed by NEC,donors and political parties, no new date can be announced until all those groups have agreed to it. All parties have not yet agreed to 31 May, so that date has never been made official, and neither has any new date.
The President has asked that the Supreme Court provide an interpretation of Article 83 of the Constitution, which outlines the process of transfer of power from one executive to another. The current situation is not envisaged, and Kulmiye are arguing that a caretaker government should be formed once the existing term expires. The Government is arguing that this is not necessary. The Constitution is available at http://www.somalilandlaw.com/Somaliland_Constitution/body_somaliland_constitution.htm
M. Walls
Slaughtered by the enemy with permission of the TFG
Medeshi March 15, 2009
Slaughtered by the enemy with the permission of TFG
Al-Shabaab fighters have discovered what they described as the remains of thirteen bodies in a factory in Baidoa, south central Somalia.
Journalists and local elders were asked to come to the former factory of Hasey - about 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) east of Baidoa - to see the bodies, allAfrica reported.
Al-Shabaab spokesman, Sheik Mukhtar Robow Abu Mansoor, said that he was saddened by the discovery, blaming the country's former government, the US and Ethiopia for the killing.
Slaughtered by the enemy with the permission of TFG
Al-Shabaab fighters have discovered what they described as the remains of thirteen bodies in a factory in Baidoa, south central Somalia.
Journalists and local elders were asked to come to the former factory of Hasey - about 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) east of Baidoa - to see the bodies, allAfrica reported.
Al-Shabaab spokesman, Sheik Mukhtar Robow Abu Mansoor, said that he was saddened by the discovery, blaming the country's former government, the US and Ethiopia for the killing.
(Photo : Mass graves found in Baidoa)
"As you can see they have cruelly killed our brothers and this is the same thing jointly done by the governments of Somalia, Ethiopia and the United States," Abu Mansoor said.
He called on al-Shabaab fighters to investigate other compounds used by foreign soldiers to look for possible bodies of people, who may have been killed over the past two years.
Since the 1991 ouster of former dictator Mohammed Siad Barre, Somalia has not had a functioning national government and has been plagued by fighting and humanitarian crises.
In recent years, ensuing instability, coupled with drought, high food prices as well as the collapse of the local currency have significantly worsened the dire humanitarian situation in the Horn of Africa state.
"As you can see they have cruelly killed our brothers and this is the same thing jointly done by the governments of Somalia, Ethiopia and the United States," Abu Mansoor said.
He called on al-Shabaab fighters to investigate other compounds used by foreign soldiers to look for possible bodies of people, who may have been killed over the past two years.
Since the 1991 ouster of former dictator Mohammed Siad Barre, Somalia has not had a functioning national government and has been plagued by fighting and humanitarian crises.
In recent years, ensuing instability, coupled with drought, high food prices as well as the collapse of the local currency have significantly worsened the dire humanitarian situation in the Horn of Africa state.
Ethiopia is aiding Somali pirates
Medeshi
Ethiopia is accused of aiding Somali pirates
By Abdul Rahman Shaheen, Correspondent
March 15, 2009
Riyadh: Eritrean Minister of Information Ali Abdu accused some parties in the Ethiopian government of aiding and abetting pirates off the coast of Somalia in the Red Sea. "They are extending logistic support to the pirates besides harboring them at the Ethiopian camps located on the Somali-Ethiopian boarder regions. Ethiopian Troops gave them protection even inside Somali territories before their pull out," he said.
Speaking to Gulf News during his recent visit to Saudi Arabia, Ali Abdu accused that some decision makers at the Ethiopian government are the real beneficiaries of piracy, which brought them millions of dollars.
'"After carrying out each and every act of piracy, pirates used to flee into the Ethiopian camps on the Somali border," he said while reiterating that it is impossible to end this criminal activity without returning sovereignty to the government of Somalia and driving out all the regional and international players, especially the Ethiopian elements that are interfering in the internal affairs of the lawless country.
According to Ali Abdu, the issue of piracy on the Red Sea is directly linked to the anarchy and political instability in Somalia. "If this is not the position, why are these acts of piracy restricted to the Somali coast alone? Why aren't they taking place on the coasts of Eritrea or Sudan or Yemen? he asked.
Denying reports about Iranian security or military presences on the Eritrean coast, the minister challenged those who raise such claims to produce substantial evidence for it. "These were false notions and were tantamount to the claims that have been raised ever since 15 years about the security and military presence of Israel on the Red Sea off the cost of Eritrea," he said while stressing that Eritrea is an independent sovereign country maintaining diplomatic relations with various countries in a way protecting the interests of the people of the country.
"We have never made relations with any country either in the East or the West in a way putting at risk the interests of our people. Likewise, we are not in need of the support of the military forces of any country," he clarified.
Replying to a question about Eritrea's continued opposition to the new government of Somalia under President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed even though several countries came forward in recognizing it, Ali Abdu said that this was nothing to do with Sharif Sheikh Ahmed or Abdullah Yousuf or anybody else.
"Rather we are only concerned about the security, sovereignty and stability of Somalia. It is unacceptable for Eritrea to recognize any government in Somalia that was imposed by one foreign country or the other," he asserted.
According to Ali Abdu, the government of Sheikh Sharif Ahmed is a group of individuals pushed to the Somali leadership. "Recognition of the new Somali government by some countries is not a significant thing as these countries' role in Somalia was that of mediation.
That doesn't mean that the government is really representing the people of Somalia," he said while drawing attention to the fact that the new government, though recognized by a large number of countries, is still facing stiff popular resistance in the country.
Ali Abdu noted that Eritrean government last month underlined the need for pulling out of the African Peace Keeping Forces (AMISOM), comprising of 3200 troops from Uganda and Burundi, from Somalia in order to ensure peace and security in the violent-stricken Horn of Africa country. "Eritrea sees that it is inevitable to establish durable peace in Somalia. Ending the so called foreign interference and occupation should be put as a mandatory condition for realizing the aspirations of Somali people in rebuilding the war-ravaged country," he said.
The Eritrean minister renewed his country's solidarity with the government and people of Sudan against the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Sudanese President Omar Bashir on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes in the Darfur region. "Such decisions would undermine the sovereignty and unity of Sudan.
Eritrea has rejected outright the arbitrary move of ICC on the very first day. We are of the firm view that the ICC move is posing a threat not merely to Sudan and its president but to all the countries in the region as well," the minister said.
Referring to a question about Eritrea's rejection of a Libyan initiative to solve the border dispute with Ethiopia, Ali Abdu said that the International Border Commission that was constituted following the Algiers Accord of 2000, had come forward with the final settlement of the border dispute between the two countries. "There was an agreement between the two countries earlier to accept provisions of the settlement.
However, the Ethiopian regime disavowed the agreement and refused to implement its provisions," he said while rejecting any new initiative to settle the differences with Ethiopia as ‘they are not at all political'. "On the other hand, they are purely legal concerning with occupation of our land. We are determined not to hold talks with the neighboring country unless it withdraw forces from the Eritrean territories," he said.
Ali Abdu refused to comment on the allegations of former US Administration that Eritrea was behind inciting troubles in Somalia. "False accusations against Eritrea were gone with the Bush Administration. Everybody knows the positive role of Eritrean government in Somalia as well as in its efforts to solve the problems in eastern Sudan, its mediatory role between Sudan and Chad and efforts to solve the Darfur problem,' he said.
Referring to the government of Barack Obama, he hoped that the new US Administration would adopt a balanced and peaceful approach in its dealings with Eritrea. Ali Abdu blamed former President Bush for deteriorating the relations between Eritrea and the United States.
Ethiopia is accused of aiding Somali pirates
By Abdul Rahman Shaheen, Correspondent
March 15, 2009
Riyadh: Eritrean Minister of Information Ali Abdu accused some parties in the Ethiopian government of aiding and abetting pirates off the coast of Somalia in the Red Sea. "They are extending logistic support to the pirates besides harboring them at the Ethiopian camps located on the Somali-Ethiopian boarder regions. Ethiopian Troops gave them protection even inside Somali territories before their pull out," he said.
Speaking to Gulf News during his recent visit to Saudi Arabia, Ali Abdu accused that some decision makers at the Ethiopian government are the real beneficiaries of piracy, which brought them millions of dollars.
'"After carrying out each and every act of piracy, pirates used to flee into the Ethiopian camps on the Somali border," he said while reiterating that it is impossible to end this criminal activity without returning sovereignty to the government of Somalia and driving out all the regional and international players, especially the Ethiopian elements that are interfering in the internal affairs of the lawless country.
According to Ali Abdu, the issue of piracy on the Red Sea is directly linked to the anarchy and political instability in Somalia. "If this is not the position, why are these acts of piracy restricted to the Somali coast alone? Why aren't they taking place on the coasts of Eritrea or Sudan or Yemen? he asked.
Denying reports about Iranian security or military presences on the Eritrean coast, the minister challenged those who raise such claims to produce substantial evidence for it. "These were false notions and were tantamount to the claims that have been raised ever since 15 years about the security and military presence of Israel on the Red Sea off the cost of Eritrea," he said while stressing that Eritrea is an independent sovereign country maintaining diplomatic relations with various countries in a way protecting the interests of the people of the country.
"We have never made relations with any country either in the East or the West in a way putting at risk the interests of our people. Likewise, we are not in need of the support of the military forces of any country," he clarified.
Replying to a question about Eritrea's continued opposition to the new government of Somalia under President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed even though several countries came forward in recognizing it, Ali Abdu said that this was nothing to do with Sharif Sheikh Ahmed or Abdullah Yousuf or anybody else.
"Rather we are only concerned about the security, sovereignty and stability of Somalia. It is unacceptable for Eritrea to recognize any government in Somalia that was imposed by one foreign country or the other," he asserted.
According to Ali Abdu, the government of Sheikh Sharif Ahmed is a group of individuals pushed to the Somali leadership. "Recognition of the new Somali government by some countries is not a significant thing as these countries' role in Somalia was that of mediation.
That doesn't mean that the government is really representing the people of Somalia," he said while drawing attention to the fact that the new government, though recognized by a large number of countries, is still facing stiff popular resistance in the country.
Ali Abdu noted that Eritrean government last month underlined the need for pulling out of the African Peace Keeping Forces (AMISOM), comprising of 3200 troops from Uganda and Burundi, from Somalia in order to ensure peace and security in the violent-stricken Horn of Africa country. "Eritrea sees that it is inevitable to establish durable peace in Somalia. Ending the so called foreign interference and occupation should be put as a mandatory condition for realizing the aspirations of Somali people in rebuilding the war-ravaged country," he said.
The Eritrean minister renewed his country's solidarity with the government and people of Sudan against the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Sudanese President Omar Bashir on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes in the Darfur region. "Such decisions would undermine the sovereignty and unity of Sudan.
Eritrea has rejected outright the arbitrary move of ICC on the very first day. We are of the firm view that the ICC move is posing a threat not merely to Sudan and its president but to all the countries in the region as well," the minister said.
Referring to a question about Eritrea's rejection of a Libyan initiative to solve the border dispute with Ethiopia, Ali Abdu said that the International Border Commission that was constituted following the Algiers Accord of 2000, had come forward with the final settlement of the border dispute between the two countries. "There was an agreement between the two countries earlier to accept provisions of the settlement.
However, the Ethiopian regime disavowed the agreement and refused to implement its provisions," he said while rejecting any new initiative to settle the differences with Ethiopia as ‘they are not at all political'. "On the other hand, they are purely legal concerning with occupation of our land. We are determined not to hold talks with the neighboring country unless it withdraw forces from the Eritrean territories," he said.
Ali Abdu refused to comment on the allegations of former US Administration that Eritrea was behind inciting troubles in Somalia. "False accusations against Eritrea were gone with the Bush Administration. Everybody knows the positive role of Eritrean government in Somalia as well as in its efforts to solve the problems in eastern Sudan, its mediatory role between Sudan and Chad and efforts to solve the Darfur problem,' he said.
Referring to the government of Barack Obama, he hoped that the new US Administration would adopt a balanced and peaceful approach in its dealings with Eritrea. Ali Abdu blamed former President Bush for deteriorating the relations between Eritrea and the United States.
Riches of Somaliland remain untapped
Medeshi March 15, 2009
Riches of Somaliland remain untapped
By James Melik
By James Melik
Business reporter, BBC World Service
Until Somaliland gets official international recognition it cannot exploit its rich reserves of natural resources.
Although agriculture is the most successful industry, surveys show that Somaliland has large offshore and onshore oil and natural gas reserves.
Several wells have been excavated during recent years but because of the country's unrecognised status, foreign energy companies cannot benefit from it.
Somaliland is in north east Africa but, as far as the outside world is concerned, it is simply a region of war-torn Somalia which has not been a nation since Britain gave it independence in 1960.
Yet the area the size of England declared independence 18 years ago and, while the rest of Somalia remains in a chaotic state, Somaliland has established a stable government, peace and relative prosperity.
Self reliance
The country's progress is limited however, because aid donors and trade partners do not officially recognise its existence.
After declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland formed its own hybrid system of governance consisting of a lower house of elected representatives, and an upper house which incorporated the elders of tribal clans.
Somaliland made its final transition to multi-party democracy with elections in 2003.
“ We have to rely solely on our meagre revenues and the investments of our own people ” Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale
The country has its own flag, national anthem, vehicle number plates and currency - although the Somaliland shilling is not a recognised currency and has no official exchange rate.
It is regulated by the Bank of Somaliland which was established constitutionally in 1994.
Foreign minister Abdillahi Duale says the recession affecting the rest of the world is causing him particular concern.
"As a country which is not yet recognised this global phenomenon is affecting us very seriously," he laments.
"We do not have access to international trade or international financial institutions," he says. "So we have to rely solely on our meagre revenues and the investments of our own people."
'De facto' state
Mr Duale insists that his people have a great entrepreneurial spirit and are business-oriented.
“ We need butter, we are not asking for guns ” Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale
Most trade is carried out with the Gulf States, Indonesia and India.
"Trade doesn't require recognition," he says.
The main export is livestock, with sheep and camels being shipped from Berbera, the country's largest port.
In order to export livestock, a veterinary license has to be issued.
To facilitate that, a veterinary school has been built in Sheikh and it attracts students from the Horn of Africa and as far afield as Uganda and Kenya.
Mr Duale is unperturbed that such licences will not have the force that a United Nations-sponsored veterinary licence would have.
"We are not members of the UN but nevertheless, the international community trades with us because we are a de facto state," he says.
He admits however, that one of the major problems the lack of official recognition creates is the inability to access international financial institutions.
"We cannot talk to the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank because they only talk to recognised states," he says.
"We rely on ourselves and our Diaspora, which accounts for almost $600m of revenue a year.
"People get by but it is very difficult without infrastructure," he says, "We need butter, we are not asking for guns."
Growth industry
Apart from livestock, other exports include hides, skins, myrrh and frankincense.
Mining has the potential to be a successful industry although simple quarrying is the extent of current operations - despite the presence of diverse mineral deposits including uranium.
One industry which has seen growth however, is tourism.
The historic town of Sheikh is home to old British colonial buildings which have been untouched for 40 years, whilst Zeila was once part of the Ottoman Empire.
Due to the fertility of some regions, many people travel to see the wildlife, while the offshore islands and coral reefs provide another major attraction.
Whoever is brave, or reckless enough, to break ranks with the world community and gives Somaliland the recognition is craves, must surely be well placed to take advantage of the riches the country has to offer.
Story from BBC NEWS:
Until Somaliland gets official international recognition it cannot exploit its rich reserves of natural resources.
Although agriculture is the most successful industry, surveys show that Somaliland has large offshore and onshore oil and natural gas reserves.
Several wells have been excavated during recent years but because of the country's unrecognised status, foreign energy companies cannot benefit from it.
Somaliland is in north east Africa but, as far as the outside world is concerned, it is simply a region of war-torn Somalia which has not been a nation since Britain gave it independence in 1960.
Yet the area the size of England declared independence 18 years ago and, while the rest of Somalia remains in a chaotic state, Somaliland has established a stable government, peace and relative prosperity.
Self reliance
The country's progress is limited however, because aid donors and trade partners do not officially recognise its existence.
After declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland formed its own hybrid system of governance consisting of a lower house of elected representatives, and an upper house which incorporated the elders of tribal clans.
Somaliland made its final transition to multi-party democracy with elections in 2003.
“ We have to rely solely on our meagre revenues and the investments of our own people ” Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale
The country has its own flag, national anthem, vehicle number plates and currency - although the Somaliland shilling is not a recognised currency and has no official exchange rate.
It is regulated by the Bank of Somaliland which was established constitutionally in 1994.
Foreign minister Abdillahi Duale says the recession affecting the rest of the world is causing him particular concern.
"As a country which is not yet recognised this global phenomenon is affecting us very seriously," he laments.
"We do not have access to international trade or international financial institutions," he says. "So we have to rely solely on our meagre revenues and the investments of our own people."
'De facto' state
Mr Duale insists that his people have a great entrepreneurial spirit and are business-oriented.
“ We need butter, we are not asking for guns ” Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale
Most trade is carried out with the Gulf States, Indonesia and India.
"Trade doesn't require recognition," he says.
The main export is livestock, with sheep and camels being shipped from Berbera, the country's largest port.
In order to export livestock, a veterinary license has to be issued.
To facilitate that, a veterinary school has been built in Sheikh and it attracts students from the Horn of Africa and as far afield as Uganda and Kenya.
Mr Duale is unperturbed that such licences will not have the force that a United Nations-sponsored veterinary licence would have.
"We are not members of the UN but nevertheless, the international community trades with us because we are a de facto state," he says.
He admits however, that one of the major problems the lack of official recognition creates is the inability to access international financial institutions.
"We cannot talk to the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank because they only talk to recognised states," he says.
"We rely on ourselves and our Diaspora, which accounts for almost $600m of revenue a year.
"People get by but it is very difficult without infrastructure," he says, "We need butter, we are not asking for guns."
Growth industry
Apart from livestock, other exports include hides, skins, myrrh and frankincense.
Mining has the potential to be a successful industry although simple quarrying is the extent of current operations - despite the presence of diverse mineral deposits including uranium.
One industry which has seen growth however, is tourism.
The historic town of Sheikh is home to old British colonial buildings which have been untouched for 40 years, whilst Zeila was once part of the Ottoman Empire.
Due to the fertility of some regions, many people travel to see the wildlife, while the offshore islands and coral reefs provide another major attraction.
Whoever is brave, or reckless enough, to break ranks with the world community and gives Somaliland the recognition is craves, must surely be well placed to take advantage of the riches the country has to offer.
Story from BBC NEWS:
Ethiopia boosts relations with Somaliland republic and Puntland region
Medeshi
Ethiopia boosts relations with Somaliland republic and Puntland region.
Sunday 15 March 2009
March 14, 2009 (ADDIS ABABA) – The Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi today held talks with the heads of Somaliland republic and Puntland region , on ways to boost bilateral relations.
Somaliland is a self-proclaimed state established in 1991.It considers itself to be the successor state of the former British Somaliland protectorate, but remains unrecognized by the international community. However it has strong relations with Ethiopia and its president had been received as head of state for the first time in June 2007, by Meles Zenawi.
The Puntland is a region in northeastern Somalia and unlike neighboring Somaliland, it does not seek outright independence from Somalia. To the contrary, its former president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, was strongly backed by Ethiopia in his bid to conquer the country at the head of the Transitional Federal Government.
Ethiopia has security agreements both with Somaliland republic and Puntland region as it is very interested in partnering to bolster its security.
One after the other, Prime Minister Zenawi received on Saturday Puntland President Abdirahman Mohamed Mohamuda and Somaliland President Dahir Rayle Kahin. Discussions with the visiting “presidents” were focused on security issues and trade ties.
"The two parties have also reached an agreement to bolster cooperation in addressing the problems of refugees that could exist in their respective countries" said the Ethiopian official ENA on the meeting with the head of the Puntland authority.
In April 2008, the Ethiopian rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) accused Puntland of arresting two of its top leaders and handing them over to Ethiopia.
Following Zenawi’s next meeting with the head of Somaliland, the region’s president stated that he held talks with the Ethiopian premier on security issues in the region. He further added that he shares the same concerns with Zenawi on the current situation in the Horn of Africa.
Somaliland had close ties with Ethiopia since its establishment. In November 2000 the two sides signed an agreement enabling the landlocked Ethiopia to use the port of Berbera, on the Gulf of Aden, for the transit of its imports and exports.
Ethiopia, which backed the Somali transitional government from 2006 to the end of 2008, decided to withdraw its troops from the troubled country after failing to draw more support for its troops there. The military intervention had been intended also to fight Eritrean-backed Somali Islamists.
Source : ST
Edited by : Medeshi
Ethiopia boosts relations with Somaliland republic and Puntland region.
Sunday 15 March 2009
March 14, 2009 (ADDIS ABABA) – The Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi today held talks with the heads of Somaliland republic and Puntland region , on ways to boost bilateral relations.
Somaliland is a self-proclaimed state established in 1991.It considers itself to be the successor state of the former British Somaliland protectorate, but remains unrecognized by the international community. However it has strong relations with Ethiopia and its president had been received as head of state for the first time in June 2007, by Meles Zenawi.
The Puntland is a region in northeastern Somalia and unlike neighboring Somaliland, it does not seek outright independence from Somalia. To the contrary, its former president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, was strongly backed by Ethiopia in his bid to conquer the country at the head of the Transitional Federal Government.
Ethiopia has security agreements both with Somaliland republic and Puntland region as it is very interested in partnering to bolster its security.
One after the other, Prime Minister Zenawi received on Saturday Puntland President Abdirahman Mohamed Mohamuda and Somaliland President Dahir Rayle Kahin. Discussions with the visiting “presidents” were focused on security issues and trade ties.
"The two parties have also reached an agreement to bolster cooperation in addressing the problems of refugees that could exist in their respective countries" said the Ethiopian official ENA on the meeting with the head of the Puntland authority.
In April 2008, the Ethiopian rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) accused Puntland of arresting two of its top leaders and handing them over to Ethiopia.
Following Zenawi’s next meeting with the head of Somaliland, the region’s president stated that he held talks with the Ethiopian premier on security issues in the region. He further added that he shares the same concerns with Zenawi on the current situation in the Horn of Africa.
Somaliland had close ties with Ethiopia since its establishment. In November 2000 the two sides signed an agreement enabling the landlocked Ethiopia to use the port of Berbera, on the Gulf of Aden, for the transit of its imports and exports.
Ethiopia, which backed the Somali transitional government from 2006 to the end of 2008, decided to withdraw its troops from the troubled country after failing to draw more support for its troops there. The military intervention had been intended also to fight Eritrean-backed Somali Islamists.
Source : ST
Edited by : Medeshi
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa
Medeshi March 14, 2009
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa
Medeshi March 14 , 2009
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa Somaliland is a victim of unspeakable horror of African Union diplomacy, where diplomatic connections and unwritten traditional codes are strong; Somaliland Cause of independence is facing a significant obstacle from the union. The African leaders have failed to hear the voice of freedom of the people of Somaliland for the last 19 years.
Surprisingly, Somaliland struggle for freedom and liberty within African Union is much more difficult than that of 20th century against the white British. Somaliland, a former British Colony, won independence on 26th June 1960 from Great Britain, and mistakenly united with Somalia on 1st July 1960, just four days later. Thirty four African countries recognized Somaliland in these four days, but today after 19 years of struggle to get back its independence from Somalia, the African Union looks very stubborn toward Somaliland independence without having proper reason.
The African diplomacy is overlooking the democracy and social progress in Somaliland, in which Somaliland achieved without the support of African Union and International community. However, this is against the charter of African Union, which assures fair treatment and handling to all African issues.
As Luther Martin King Jr. said, "let us not stumble in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even tough we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow." I still have dream that Somaliland will be independent one day, and children/citizens will get back their lost diplomatic rights and will freely move across the world with bride and dignity.
I have a dream, that Somaliland Passport will be most beloved travel document. Somaliland citizens and businessmen will trade freely, and students will join international universities with Somaliland High School Certificates. Somalilanders have lost all these rights due to African Union´s illegal diplomatic embargo on Somaliland.
African Union should stop alienating Somaliland and grant rights of life liberty to its citizens. The union, which is neutral to all Africans according to its charter, should look into Somaliland's cause without considering the traditional AU agenda of not accepting new members.
African Union protects the colonial border, but in other hand, rejects Somaliland based on colonial border. Is this logic? Can the union respect colonial borders across the continent except Somaliland? Somaliland government has submitted membership application to the African Union, and is waiting a positive reply from the union. Somaliland is demanding restoration of its colonial border.
Somaliland fulfilled all requirements of nationhood according to African Union and United Nations charters. However, it remains victim of no-reason because neither African Union nor United Nation is giving Somaliland clear reason to reject Somaliland´s statehood.
Some illogical people believe that the ´failed state of Somalia´ should not be divided or separated. But currently there is nothing called Somalia, and the country has fallen into its knees more than 20 years ago. Somalia sets an example of failure, without any sign of recovering from that failure. Somalia felt into endless comma, so why African Union is forcing Somaliland to wait Somalia until it wakes up from the comma? Will AU continue to force Somaliland to wait even for the next 100 years?
Current diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, has alienated it from the rest of the world, and transformed Somaliland into jail. No freedom of movement, education and travel for Somalilanders due to the wrong African Union policies towards it.
The Somalilanders are forced to take-up foreign passports in order to travel freely across the world; the students cannot join international universities like Harvard and Oxford Universities with Somaliland Passport. This is result of diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, who overlooked Somaliland demands of independence in last 19 years.
The qualified English-speaking professionals of Somaliland should identify them selves as citizens of Somalia, Ethiopia, or Djibouti…etc in the international job markets because their country, Somaliland, is not recognized diplomatically by African Union. This is creating mistrust in the hearts of these young men and women towards AU. What is it their mistake? Why they don´t have the right to say their true identity as a Somalilander? This is the unfair treatment of African Union and IGAD on Somaliland and its people.
Moreover, these misjudgments did not change Somaliland´s commitment towards better Africa; Somaliland is cooperative with all African countries and organizations. Many African countries have offices in Somaliland capital – Hargiesa, including Ethiopia. Somaliland has trade links with others.
"I have a dream" that Somaliland will overpower the poor policies and diplomatic discrimination by the African Union, and will create brighter future in its part of the world. "I have a dream" that Somaliland will be an oasis of peace and democracy in Africa, and an example to all Africans in development.
Today, overlooked minorities of USA – The African Americans, are making long waited history and occupy the highest post in the country. Barrack Hussein Obama is making history. And for Somaliland, the time will come that Somaliland will occupy the highest post in African Union – Chairman of African Union.By Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi
Published earlier on Jan 20, 2009
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa
Medeshi March 14 , 2009
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa Somaliland is a victim of unspeakable horror of African Union diplomacy, where diplomatic connections and unwritten traditional codes are strong; Somaliland Cause of independence is facing a significant obstacle from the union. The African leaders have failed to hear the voice of freedom of the people of Somaliland for the last 19 years.
Surprisingly, Somaliland struggle for freedom and liberty within African Union is much more difficult than that of 20th century against the white British. Somaliland, a former British Colony, won independence on 26th June 1960 from Great Britain, and mistakenly united with Somalia on 1st July 1960, just four days later. Thirty four African countries recognized Somaliland in these four days, but today after 19 years of struggle to get back its independence from Somalia, the African Union looks very stubborn toward Somaliland independence without having proper reason.
The African diplomacy is overlooking the democracy and social progress in Somaliland, in which Somaliland achieved without the support of African Union and International community. However, this is against the charter of African Union, which assures fair treatment and handling to all African issues.
As Luther Martin King Jr. said, "let us not stumble in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even tough we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow." I still have dream that Somaliland will be independent one day, and children/citizens will get back their lost diplomatic rights and will freely move across the world with bride and dignity.
I have a dream, that Somaliland Passport will be most beloved travel document. Somaliland citizens and businessmen will trade freely, and students will join international universities with Somaliland High School Certificates. Somalilanders have lost all these rights due to African Union´s illegal diplomatic embargo on Somaliland.
African Union should stop alienating Somaliland and grant rights of life liberty to its citizens. The union, which is neutral to all Africans according to its charter, should look into Somaliland's cause without considering the traditional AU agenda of not accepting new members.
African Union protects the colonial border, but in other hand, rejects Somaliland based on colonial border. Is this logic? Can the union respect colonial borders across the continent except Somaliland? Somaliland government has submitted membership application to the African Union, and is waiting a positive reply from the union. Somaliland is demanding restoration of its colonial border.
Somaliland fulfilled all requirements of nationhood according to African Union and United Nations charters. However, it remains victim of no-reason because neither African Union nor United Nation is giving Somaliland clear reason to reject Somaliland´s statehood.
Some illogical people believe that the ´failed state of Somalia´ should not be divided or separated. But currently there is nothing called Somalia, and the country has fallen into its knees more than 20 years ago. Somalia sets an example of failure, without any sign of recovering from that failure. Somalia felt into endless comma, so why African Union is forcing Somaliland to wait Somalia until it wakes up from the comma? Will AU continue to force Somaliland to wait even for the next 100 years?
Current diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, has alienated it from the rest of the world, and transformed Somaliland into jail. No freedom of movement, education and travel for Somalilanders due to the wrong African Union policies towards it.
The Somalilanders are forced to take-up foreign passports in order to travel freely across the world; the students cannot join international universities like Harvard and Oxford Universities with Somaliland Passport. This is result of diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, who overlooked Somaliland demands of independence in last 19 years.
The qualified English-speaking professionals of Somaliland should identify them selves as citizens of Somalia, Ethiopia, or Djibouti…etc in the international job markets because their country, Somaliland, is not recognized diplomatically by African Union. This is creating mistrust in the hearts of these young men and women towards AU. What is it their mistake? Why they don´t have the right to say their true identity as a Somalilander? This is the unfair treatment of African Union and IGAD on Somaliland and its people.
Moreover, these misjudgments did not change Somaliland´s commitment towards better Africa; Somaliland is cooperative with all African countries and organizations. Many African countries have offices in Somaliland capital – Hargiesa, including Ethiopia. Somaliland has trade links with others.
"I have a dream" that Somaliland will overpower the poor policies and diplomatic discrimination by the African Union, and will create brighter future in its part of the world. "I have a dream" that Somaliland will be an oasis of peace and democracy in Africa, and an example to all Africans in development.
Today, overlooked minorities of USA – The African Americans, are making long waited history and occupy the highest post in the country. Barrack Hussein Obama is making history. And for Somaliland, the time will come that Somaliland will occupy the highest post in African Union – Chairman of African Union.By Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi
Published earlier on Jan 20, 2009
Another Somalia? Threats to Yemen abound
Medeshi March 14, 2009
Another Somalia? Threats to Yemen abound
The world must recognise that if Yemen is not to fall apart like Somalia, it must boost aid to the impoverished state despite the global recession, officials, diplomats and experts in Sanaa believe.
"Look at the Somalis -- (a few) million people, and they are creating problems for the world," Deputy Premier for Economic Affairs Abdulkarim Ismail al-Arhabi told AFP.
"Look at the Somalis -- (a few) million people, and they are creating problems for the world," Deputy Premier for Economic Affairs Abdulkarim Ismail al-Arhabi told AFP.
(Yemeni shopkeepers display a wide range of dried dates in Sanaa's Suq Al-Melh)
Somalia-based pirates have plagued international vessels plying the shipping lanes of the Gulf of Aden separating Yemen and Somalia, a strategic waterway to and from the Red Sea and Suez Canal.
Pirates attacked more than 130 merchant ships in the Gulf of Aden last year, more than double the 2007 total, according to the International Maritime Bureau.
"Yemenis are 24 million and (they are) tough warriors. And they've nothing to lose, like the Somalis," added Arhabi, also minister of planning and international cooperation.
Already "used to poverty," in the words of one diplomat in Sanaa, the people of the poorest country in the Middle East can expect even more hardship as the worldwide downturn has drastically cut oil prices.
Oil exports account for 70 percent of state revenue, so the oil price plunge hit hard.
Hardship can breed extremism, and Yemen has a history.
The Arabian Peninsula state is the ancestral homeland of Osama bin Laden, and his Al-Qaeda group has launched many operations there -- notably the 2000 attack on the USS Cole in the port of Aden that killed 17 sailors.
Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, said in December he was "extremely worried" about potential safe havens for extremists in both Somalia and Yemen.
"I try to pay a lot of attention to the evolution of potential safe havens, these two in particular," the top US military officer told a Pentagon news conference.
According to Ali Saif Hassan, director of the Sanaa-based Political Development Forum (PDF-Yemen), an independent thinktank, for "the last 20 or 30 years, all Islamist people who have problems come here... it's a haven for them."
As recently as last September 17, an attack claimed by Al-Qaeda targeted the American embassy in Sanaa, leaving 19 dead, including seven attackers, in the second strike on the high-security compound in six months.
Oil installations have also been frequent targets in Yemen, which had a modest production of 300,000 barrels a day in 2008.
"Yemen is not a failed state, but it is on the brink of becoming so," said one diplomat on condition of anonymity. "It could go over very rapidly because of mounting problems."
According to analyst Brian O'Neill, writing last year in the Jamestown Foundation publication "Terrorism Monitor", Yemen faces "three rebellions".
In addition to the jihadist threat, there is also a latent Zaidi sect revolt in the Shiite-majority mountainous north sandwiched between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Sunni southern Yemen, where secessionism also still ferments.
Following unification in 1990, the peace lasted just four years before north and south fought a brief but bloody civil war in which southern separatists were finally crushed.
Simmering security issues aside, some experts believe Yemen's main problems are a lack of water resources and a rapidly increasing population in which two-thirds of the people are aged below 24.
"The worst problem is the water," said Hassan. "Twenty years from now, there will be no water in the whole district of Sanaa," a mountainous region that is now home to two million people.
"There should be six millions in 20 years in the whole Sanaa region. These people will have no jobs, no water. And they are tribal people. They only have machine guns. What will they do? They will go south," he added, sketching a frightening scenario.
Arhabi believes Yemen should be integrated with the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that groups Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Most Yemenis seem to agree, but few believe it will happen, given the huge difference in wealth -- Yemen's one to Saudi Arabia's 20 -- and because conservative Gulf monarchies may not look too kindly on a new member where politics means regular elections.
On February 26, parliament in Sanaa overwhelmingly approved a two-year delay in legislative elections scheduled for April to pave the way for political reforms and avert a threatened crisis.
The move followed an agreement between President Ali Abdullah Saleh's ruling General People's Congress and the opposition, which had threatened to boycott elections for the 301-member house, where it has 63 seats and the GPC 235.
Saleh, who won a new seven-year term in a 2006 presidential election, first took office as leader of what was then North Yemen in 1978.
Arhabi believes the solution to Yemen's problems lies in more foreign aid.
"We need more Official Development Assistance," he said, adding that the country now receives only the equivalent of 13 dollars per capita when it is "worse than Africa" in terms of infant mortality and child mortality.
Increased public aid during a global recession is an unlikely prospect, however.
At the end of 2006, a donor countries' conference in London secured pledges of 5.7 billion dollars for Yemen. But more than two years later, just "20 percent of those promises have been met," one expert told AFP.
So will Yemen sink or swim? The international community does not want another war-torn Somalia, which has been engulfed in civil war since 1991 and where no central government is strong enough to impose its authority.
"The only solution that will save Yemen is for the whole world to focus on it, and instead of waiting for it to descend into chaos like Somalia, to prevent it from doing so," a diplomat said.
"I don't see how we can let this country be set adrift."
However some see Yemen's tribal system -- one of the main threats to state authority -- as also being an instrument of its salvation.
"It's a fragile state," said another diplomat, but "Yemen is not Somalia" because "the tribes are there".
Somalia-based pirates have plagued international vessels plying the shipping lanes of the Gulf of Aden separating Yemen and Somalia, a strategic waterway to and from the Red Sea and Suez Canal.
Pirates attacked more than 130 merchant ships in the Gulf of Aden last year, more than double the 2007 total, according to the International Maritime Bureau.
"Yemenis are 24 million and (they are) tough warriors. And they've nothing to lose, like the Somalis," added Arhabi, also minister of planning and international cooperation.
Already "used to poverty," in the words of one diplomat in Sanaa, the people of the poorest country in the Middle East can expect even more hardship as the worldwide downturn has drastically cut oil prices.
Oil exports account for 70 percent of state revenue, so the oil price plunge hit hard.
Hardship can breed extremism, and Yemen has a history.
The Arabian Peninsula state is the ancestral homeland of Osama bin Laden, and his Al-Qaeda group has launched many operations there -- notably the 2000 attack on the USS Cole in the port of Aden that killed 17 sailors.
Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, said in December he was "extremely worried" about potential safe havens for extremists in both Somalia and Yemen.
"I try to pay a lot of attention to the evolution of potential safe havens, these two in particular," the top US military officer told a Pentagon news conference.
According to Ali Saif Hassan, director of the Sanaa-based Political Development Forum (PDF-Yemen), an independent thinktank, for "the last 20 or 30 years, all Islamist people who have problems come here... it's a haven for them."
As recently as last September 17, an attack claimed by Al-Qaeda targeted the American embassy in Sanaa, leaving 19 dead, including seven attackers, in the second strike on the high-security compound in six months.
Oil installations have also been frequent targets in Yemen, which had a modest production of 300,000 barrels a day in 2008.
"Yemen is not a failed state, but it is on the brink of becoming so," said one diplomat on condition of anonymity. "It could go over very rapidly because of mounting problems."
According to analyst Brian O'Neill, writing last year in the Jamestown Foundation publication "Terrorism Monitor", Yemen faces "three rebellions".
In addition to the jihadist threat, there is also a latent Zaidi sect revolt in the Shiite-majority mountainous north sandwiched between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Sunni southern Yemen, where secessionism also still ferments.
Following unification in 1990, the peace lasted just four years before north and south fought a brief but bloody civil war in which southern separatists were finally crushed.
Simmering security issues aside, some experts believe Yemen's main problems are a lack of water resources and a rapidly increasing population in which two-thirds of the people are aged below 24.
"The worst problem is the water," said Hassan. "Twenty years from now, there will be no water in the whole district of Sanaa," a mountainous region that is now home to two million people.
"There should be six millions in 20 years in the whole Sanaa region. These people will have no jobs, no water. And they are tribal people. They only have machine guns. What will they do? They will go south," he added, sketching a frightening scenario.
Arhabi believes Yemen should be integrated with the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that groups Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Most Yemenis seem to agree, but few believe it will happen, given the huge difference in wealth -- Yemen's one to Saudi Arabia's 20 -- and because conservative Gulf monarchies may not look too kindly on a new member where politics means regular elections.
On February 26, parliament in Sanaa overwhelmingly approved a two-year delay in legislative elections scheduled for April to pave the way for political reforms and avert a threatened crisis.
The move followed an agreement between President Ali Abdullah Saleh's ruling General People's Congress and the opposition, which had threatened to boycott elections for the 301-member house, where it has 63 seats and the GPC 235.
Saleh, who won a new seven-year term in a 2006 presidential election, first took office as leader of what was then North Yemen in 1978.
Arhabi believes the solution to Yemen's problems lies in more foreign aid.
"We need more Official Development Assistance," he said, adding that the country now receives only the equivalent of 13 dollars per capita when it is "worse than Africa" in terms of infant mortality and child mortality.
Increased public aid during a global recession is an unlikely prospect, however.
At the end of 2006, a donor countries' conference in London secured pledges of 5.7 billion dollars for Yemen. But more than two years later, just "20 percent of those promises have been met," one expert told AFP.
So will Yemen sink or swim? The international community does not want another war-torn Somalia, which has been engulfed in civil war since 1991 and where no central government is strong enough to impose its authority.
"The only solution that will save Yemen is for the whole world to focus on it, and instead of waiting for it to descend into chaos like Somalia, to prevent it from doing so," a diplomat said.
"I don't see how we can let this country be set adrift."
However some see Yemen's tribal system -- one of the main threats to state authority -- as also being an instrument of its salvation.
"It's a fragile state," said another diplomat, but "Yemen is not Somalia" because "the tribes are there".
Brief History of Somaliland
Medeshi March 14, 2009
History of Somaliland
In 1991, after the collapse of the central government in Somalia, the main part of the territory asserted its independence as the Republic of Somaliland on May 18, 1991. It regarded itself as the successor state to the briefly independent State of Somaliland, but did not receive any international diplomatic recognition.
The economic and military infrastructure left behind by Somalia has been largely destroyed by war. The people of Somaliland had rebelled against the Siad Barre dictatorship in Mogadishu, which prompted a massive reaction by the government.
The late Abderahman Ahmed Ali Tuur was the first president of Somaliland. Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal was appointed his successor in 1993 by the Grand Conference of National Reconciliation in Boorama (Borama), which met for four months and led not only to a gradual improvement in security, but solidified the fledgling state. Egal was re-appointed in 1997, and remained in power until his death on May 3, 2002. The vice president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, was sworn in as president shortly afterwards, and in 2003 Kahin became the first Somaliland president to be elected in a free and fair election.
The 2006 War in Somalia between the Islamic Courts Union and the forces of Ethiopia and Somalia's transitional government has not directly affected Somaliland.
Politics and government
Politics and government of Somaliland
Somaliland has formed a hybrid system of governance under the Constitution of Somaliland, combining traditional and western institutions. In a series of inter-clan conferences, culminating in the Boorama Conference in 1993, a qabil (clan or community) system of government was constructed, which consisted of an Executive, with a President, Vice President, and Council of Ministers, a bicameral Legislature, and an independent judiciary. The traditional Somali council of elders (guurti) was incorporated into the governance structure and formed the upper house, responsible for selecting a President as well as managing internal conflicts. Government became in essence a "power-sharing coalition of Somaliland's main clans", with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to a predetermined formula, although not all clans are satisfied with this formula of government. In 2002, after several extensions of this interim government, Somaliland finally made the transition to multi-party democracy, with district council elections contested by six parties.
In 1991, after the collapse of the central government in Somalia, the main part of the territory asserted its independence as the Republic of Somaliland on May 18, 1991. It regarded itself as the successor state to the briefly independent State of Somaliland, but did not receive any international diplomatic recognition.
The economic and military infrastructure left behind by Somalia has been largely destroyed by war. The people of Somaliland had rebelled against the Siad Barre dictatorship in Mogadishu, which prompted a massive reaction by the government.
The late Abderahman Ahmed Ali Tuur was the first president of Somaliland. Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal was appointed his successor in 1993 by the Grand Conference of National Reconciliation in Boorama (Borama), which met for four months and led not only to a gradual improvement in security, but solidified the fledgling state. Egal was re-appointed in 1997, and remained in power until his death on May 3, 2002. The vice president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, was sworn in as president shortly afterwards, and in 2003 Kahin became the first Somaliland president to be elected in a free and fair election.
The 2006 War in Somalia between the Islamic Courts Union and the forces of Ethiopia and Somalia's transitional government has not directly affected Somaliland.
Politics and government
Politics and government of Somaliland
Somaliland has formed a hybrid system of governance under the Constitution of Somaliland, combining traditional and western institutions. In a series of inter-clan conferences, culminating in the Boorama Conference in 1993, a qabil (clan or community) system of government was constructed, which consisted of an Executive, with a President, Vice President, and Council of Ministers, a bicameral Legislature, and an independent judiciary. The traditional Somali council of elders (guurti) was incorporated into the governance structure and formed the upper house, responsible for selecting a President as well as managing internal conflicts. Government became in essence a "power-sharing coalition of Somaliland's main clans", with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to a predetermined formula, although not all clans are satisfied with this formula of government. In 2002, after several extensions of this interim government, Somaliland finally made the transition to multi-party democracy, with district council elections contested by six parties.
Foreign relations
Foreign relations of Somaliland
Somaliland border dispute with Puntland. As of July 1, 2007, part of the disputed territory declared the state of Maakhir.
Somaliland has political contacts with the United Kingdom, Ethiopia, Belgium, Ghana,South Africa,Sweden and Djibouti. On January 17, 2007, the European Union sent a delegation for foreign affairs to discuss future cooperation.The African Union has also sent a foreign minister to discuss the future of international acknowledgment, and on January 29 and January 30, 2007, the ministers said that they would discuss acknowledgement with other member states In June 2007, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi held a conference with President Kahin during which he was referred to in an official communique by the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry as the President of Somaliland, the first time that Somaliland has been officially acknowledged as a sovereign state by another government. While this is not claimed as a move to official recognition by Ethiopia, it is seen as a possible step towards a unilateral declaration by Ethiopia in the event of the African Union failing to move its recognition of Somaliland forward.
A delegation led by the President of Somaliland was present at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting 2007 in Kampala, Uganda.
November 27, 2007, Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck of the ELDR, one of three main parties in EU, mailed a letter to Javier Solana (the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Secretary-General of both the Council of the European Union (EU)) and to Dahir Rayale Kahin the president of Somaliland, in which there is required an acknowledgment of Somaliland by EU. In December 2007 the Bush administration discussed whether to back the shaky transitional government in Somalia or to acknowledge and support the less volatile Somaliland secessionists.Politics plays a big part in the new independent Somaliland region with the highly respected university Amoud with the universities first donator Bashir Mohamud Yusuf.
Border disputes
Main article: Somaliland-Puntland dispute
The Republic of Somaliland continues to claim the entire area of the former British Somaliland. Somaliland is currently in control of the western half of the former British Somaliland, with northeastern Maakhir having declared a separate, unrecognized autonomous state within Somalia on July 1, 2007, and with the disputed southeastern Sool state under the control of neighboring Puntland since 2003. A separatist movement exists also in the westernmost Awdal province.
Foreign relations of Somaliland
Somaliland border dispute with Puntland. As of July 1, 2007, part of the disputed territory declared the state of Maakhir.
Somaliland has political contacts with the United Kingdom, Ethiopia, Belgium, Ghana,South Africa,Sweden and Djibouti. On January 17, 2007, the European Union sent a delegation for foreign affairs to discuss future cooperation.The African Union has also sent a foreign minister to discuss the future of international acknowledgment, and on January 29 and January 30, 2007, the ministers said that they would discuss acknowledgement with other member states In June 2007, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi held a conference with President Kahin during which he was referred to in an official communique by the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry as the President of Somaliland, the first time that Somaliland has been officially acknowledged as a sovereign state by another government. While this is not claimed as a move to official recognition by Ethiopia, it is seen as a possible step towards a unilateral declaration by Ethiopia in the event of the African Union failing to move its recognition of Somaliland forward.
A delegation led by the President of Somaliland was present at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting 2007 in Kampala, Uganda.
November 27, 2007, Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck of the ELDR, one of three main parties in EU, mailed a letter to Javier Solana (the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Secretary-General of both the Council of the European Union (EU)) and to Dahir Rayale Kahin the president of Somaliland, in which there is required an acknowledgment of Somaliland by EU. In December 2007 the Bush administration discussed whether to back the shaky transitional government in Somalia or to acknowledge and support the less volatile Somaliland secessionists.Politics plays a big part in the new independent Somaliland region with the highly respected university Amoud with the universities first donator Bashir Mohamud Yusuf.
Border disputes
Main article: Somaliland-Puntland dispute
The Republic of Somaliland continues to claim the entire area of the former British Somaliland. Somaliland is currently in control of the western half of the former British Somaliland, with northeastern Maakhir having declared a separate, unrecognized autonomous state within Somalia on July 1, 2007, and with the disputed southeastern Sool state under the control of neighboring Puntland since 2003. A separatist movement exists also in the westernmost Awdal province.
Tensions escalated into a violent clash between Puntland and Somaliland in October 2007, when Somaliland forces captured Las Anod, the capital of the disputed region of Sool.
The Somaliland
Defence Forces took control of the town of Las Qorey in eastern Sanaag on 10 July 2008, along with positions five kilometres east of the town. The Somaliland Defence Forces completed their operations on 9 July 2008 after the Maakhir and Puntland militia in the area left their positions.
Military of Somaliland
The Somaliland Armed Forces are the main military system in the Somaliland region along with the Somaliland Police Force, all of whom are part of the internal security forces and are subordinate to the military. (Photo: A BM-21 used by the Somaliland armed forces) Currently around 30,000 personnel are active in Somaliland. The Somaliland Armed Forces takes the biggest share of the government's budget with the police and security forces. The current head of Somaliland's Armed Forces is the Minister of Defense Mudane Adan Mire Mohammed MP.
Some military facilities were bought during Egal's administration to assist the military's usual duties and the necessary movements.
The Somaliland
Defence Forces took control of the town of Las Qorey in eastern Sanaag on 10 July 2008, along with positions five kilometres east of the town. The Somaliland Defence Forces completed their operations on 9 July 2008 after the Maakhir and Puntland militia in the area left their positions.Military of Somaliland
The Somaliland Armed Forces are the main military system in the Somaliland region along with the Somaliland Police Force, all of whom are part of the internal security forces and are subordinate to the military. (Photo: A BM-21 used by the Somaliland armed forces) Currently around 30,000 personnel are active in Somaliland. The Somaliland Armed Forces takes the biggest share of the government's budget with the police and security forces. The current head of Somaliland's Armed Forces is the Minister of Defense Mudane Adan Mire Mohammed MP.
Some military facilities were bought during Egal's administration to assist the military's usual duties and the necessary movements.
Japan Sends Ships to Anti-Piracy Mission Off Somalia
Medeshi
Japan Sends Ships to Anti-Piracy Mission Off Somalia
By VOA News 14 March 2009
Japan Sends Ships to Anti-Piracy Mission Off Somalia
By VOA News 14 March 2009
Japan has sent two navy destroyers to the water's off Somalia's coast to join international anti-piracy efforts in the region.
The ships carry helicopters and speedboats and a combined crew of 400.
A day earlier, on Friday, South Korea sent a warship to join the anti-piracy force.
The ships carry helicopters and speedboats and a combined crew of 400.
A day earlier, on Friday, South Korea sent a warship to join the anti-piracy force.
(Two Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyers wait to leave Kure base in Kure, central Japan, 14 Mar 2009)
The International Maritime Bureau says international anti-piracy efforts have reduced the number of successful hijackings in the area to one in seven attacks.
Somalia-based pirates carried out more than 120 attacks on ships last year, hijacking 42. In some cases, the pirates received millions of dollars in ransom for the release of the ships.
NATO, the European Union, China and the United States are among naval powers with warships on patrol off Somalia.
Japan sent the destroyers after its cabinet approved use of the country's self-defense forces to protect Japanese-flagged ships and Japanese citizens. Japan's post-World War Two pacifist constitution limits its military to defensive operations.
Some information for this report was provided by AFP, AP and Reuters
The International Maritime Bureau says international anti-piracy efforts have reduced the number of successful hijackings in the area to one in seven attacks.
Somalia-based pirates carried out more than 120 attacks on ships last year, hijacking 42. In some cases, the pirates received millions of dollars in ransom for the release of the ships.
NATO, the European Union, China and the United States are among naval powers with warships on patrol off Somalia.
Japan sent the destroyers after its cabinet approved use of the country's self-defense forces to protect Japanese-flagged ships and Japanese citizens. Japan's post-World War Two pacifist constitution limits its military to defensive operations.
Some information for this report was provided by AFP, AP and Reuters
Domestic terror threat growing, Senate committee warns
Medeshi 14 March , 2009
Domestic terror threat growing, Senate committee warns
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- There is an increasing threat of homegrown terror stemming from segments of a deeply isolated and alienated Somali-American community, a U.S. Senate committee hearing concluded Wednesday.
The hearing, conducted by the Senate Homeland and Governmental Affairs Committee, focused on the attempted recruitment of young Somali-American men by al-Shabaab, "a violent and brutal extremist (Somali) group" with significant ties to al Qaeda, according to the U.S. State Department.
"Over the last two years, individuals from the Somali community in the United States, including American citizens, have left for Somalia to support and in some cases fight on behalf of al-Shabaab," noted the committee's chairman, Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Connecticut.
Al-Shabaab -- also known as the Mujahedeen Youth Movement -- was officially designated as a terrorist organization by the U.S. government in March 2008.
The hearing highlighted the case of Shirwa Ahmed, a 27-year-old Somali-American who had been radicalized by al-Shabaab in his adopted home state of Minnesota before traveling to Somalia and blowing up himself and 29 others in October.
The idea that Ahmed was radicalized in the United States raised red flags throughout the U.S. intelligence community. The incident -- the first suicide bombing by a naturalized U.S. citizen -- was the "most significant case of homegrown American terrorism recruiting based on violent Islamist ideology," Lieberman said.
"The dangers brought to light by these revelations is clear: radicalized individuals trained in terrorist tactics and in possession of American passports can clearly pose a threat to the security of our country," said Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine.
Segments of the Somali-American community have been made vulnerable to recruitment by al-Shabaab because of a particularly tumultuous adjustment to American life, noted Andrew Liepman, deputy director for intelligence at the National Counterterrorism Center.
"Despite significant efforts to facilitate their settlement into American communities, many Somali immigrants face isolation," Liepman said.
"The (tough) adjustment to American society has reinforced their greater insularity compared to other more integrated recent immigrant communities and has aggravated the challenges of assimilation for their children," he said.
Somalis began arriving in the United States in significant numbers following the U.S. intervention in Somalia's humanitarian crisis in 1992, Liepman said. The Somali-American population is now concentrated in clusters primarily in Minneapolis, Minnesota; Columbus, Ohio; Seattle, Washington; and San Diego, California.
The potential recruitment of young Somali-American men has been made possible by "a number of factors that come together when a dynamic, influential and extremist leader gains access to a despondent and disenfranchised group of young men," Liepman said.
Many refugees, he said, "lack structure and definition in their lives" and are "torn between their parents' traditional tribal and clan identities and the new cultures and traditions offered by American society."
Liepman pointed out that there was no evidence of a radicalization of the entire Somali-American community, now believed to number between 70,000 and 200,000 people.
In fact, he said, the Somali-American community has been victimized by a "small group of extremists who are essentially terrorizing their own community, who are recruiting and radicalizing young people within that community."
"We don't have radicalized communities. We have radicalized clusters of (young) people," emphasized Philip Mudd, a director of the FBI's national security branch.
The potential terrorist indoctrination and recruitment was a consequence of these clusters, Liepman said, and is the product of "the refugee experience of fleeing a war-torn country combined with isolation, perceived discrimination, marginalization and frustrated expectations.
"Local criminal familial and clan dynamics make some members of this community more susceptible to (this) sort of extremist influence" of groups such as al-Shabaab, he said.
Liepman said there is a serious concern about individuals being indoctrinated by al Qaeda and al-Shabaab while in Somalia and then returning to the United States "with the intention to conduct attacks."
Domestic terror threat growing, Senate committee warns
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- There is an increasing threat of homegrown terror stemming from segments of a deeply isolated and alienated Somali-American community, a U.S. Senate committee hearing concluded Wednesday.
The hearing, conducted by the Senate Homeland and Governmental Affairs Committee, focused on the attempted recruitment of young Somali-American men by al-Shabaab, "a violent and brutal extremist (Somali) group" with significant ties to al Qaeda, according to the U.S. State Department.
"Over the last two years, individuals from the Somali community in the United States, including American citizens, have left for Somalia to support and in some cases fight on behalf of al-Shabaab," noted the committee's chairman, Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Connecticut.
Al-Shabaab -- also known as the Mujahedeen Youth Movement -- was officially designated as a terrorist organization by the U.S. government in March 2008.
The hearing highlighted the case of Shirwa Ahmed, a 27-year-old Somali-American who had been radicalized by al-Shabaab in his adopted home state of Minnesota before traveling to Somalia and blowing up himself and 29 others in October.
The idea that Ahmed was radicalized in the United States raised red flags throughout the U.S. intelligence community. The incident -- the first suicide bombing by a naturalized U.S. citizen -- was the "most significant case of homegrown American terrorism recruiting based on violent Islamist ideology," Lieberman said.
"The dangers brought to light by these revelations is clear: radicalized individuals trained in terrorist tactics and in possession of American passports can clearly pose a threat to the security of our country," said Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine.
Segments of the Somali-American community have been made vulnerable to recruitment by al-Shabaab because of a particularly tumultuous adjustment to American life, noted Andrew Liepman, deputy director for intelligence at the National Counterterrorism Center.
"Despite significant efforts to facilitate their settlement into American communities, many Somali immigrants face isolation," Liepman said.
"The (tough) adjustment to American society has reinforced their greater insularity compared to other more integrated recent immigrant communities and has aggravated the challenges of assimilation for their children," he said.
Somalis began arriving in the United States in significant numbers following the U.S. intervention in Somalia's humanitarian crisis in 1992, Liepman said. The Somali-American population is now concentrated in clusters primarily in Minneapolis, Minnesota; Columbus, Ohio; Seattle, Washington; and San Diego, California.
The potential recruitment of young Somali-American men has been made possible by "a number of factors that come together when a dynamic, influential and extremist leader gains access to a despondent and disenfranchised group of young men," Liepman said.
Many refugees, he said, "lack structure and definition in their lives" and are "torn between their parents' traditional tribal and clan identities and the new cultures and traditions offered by American society."
Liepman pointed out that there was no evidence of a radicalization of the entire Somali-American community, now believed to number between 70,000 and 200,000 people.
In fact, he said, the Somali-American community has been victimized by a "small group of extremists who are essentially terrorizing their own community, who are recruiting and radicalizing young people within that community."
"We don't have radicalized communities. We have radicalized clusters of (young) people," emphasized Philip Mudd, a director of the FBI's national security branch.
The potential terrorist indoctrination and recruitment was a consequence of these clusters, Liepman said, and is the product of "the refugee experience of fleeing a war-torn country combined with isolation, perceived discrimination, marginalization and frustrated expectations.
"Local criminal familial and clan dynamics make some members of this community more susceptible to (this) sort of extremist influence" of groups such as al-Shabaab, he said.
Liepman said there is a serious concern about individuals being indoctrinated by al Qaeda and al-Shabaab while in Somalia and then returning to the United States "with the intention to conduct attacks."
The Soon to Emerge Crisis in Ethiopia: A Bush Legacy?
Medeshi
Medeshi March 14, 2009
The Soon to Emerge Crisis in Ethiopia: A Bush Legacy?
by Scott A Morgan
Most of the Critics of American Policy in the Horn of Africa generally focus on the fiasco in Somalia. But recent reports are indicating that a Key Regional Ally could possibly be in Danger of Collapsing.
One of the most contested regions in East Africa is the Ogaden Region which lies along the Border between Ethiopia and Somalia. The Two Countries fought a Border Conflict in 1977 which saw the Soviet Union switch its allegiences from Mogadishu to Addis Ababa. After that conflict the Area became a hotspot in the Cold War. After the Collapse of the Soviet Union the Governments of both countries collapsed. Currently there is a Pro-Western Government in Addis Ababa and there is not a strong centralized Government in Somalia.
Since the Fall of the Siad Barre Government in 1991 Ethiopia has sent Forces into Somalia on three occasions. On All Three Occasions theses actions were seen to be proxy conflicts on behalf of the United States. The latest Incursion in December 2006 had Military Support from the United States. The US has been concerned about the rise of Somali Islamists ever since the Day of the Rangers in 1993. In that Battle 18 Members of the US Special Forces were killed trying to apprehend a Somali Warlord.
Ever Since the Controversial Decision to Prop up the TNG there has been a plethora of Problems for Prime Minister Zenawi. Obviously the Move was not popular with the Islamists in Somalia but that decision also led to rising tensions with Eritrea. The two countries fought a War that led to the establishment of an Independent Eritrean State. Now tensions are again rising along the border between the two countries. The Eritreans have been attempting to have the UN Mission leave its territory and the Ethiopians are still concerned.
The situation in Somalia is not the reason to be concerned however. The Area of concern should be the Ogaden Region. Although it has not garnered major coverage in the International Media it has been reported by the various Online Media Outlets from the region. According to Some Outlets a new series of clashes occured last week with reports of heavy casualties on both sides during the series of skirmishes. In the Past the Ogaden has been the base of the Anti-Zenawi Opposition in Ethiopia.
What should the United States do in this instance? There has been Legislation Drafted that would Limit the amount of Military Assistance to be provided by the US to the Improvement of the Human Rights Climate in Ethiopia. This is a good Idea. The US should also assist Civil Society Groups trying to promote Good Governance in Addis Ababa and other areas of Ethiopia. And it should work with Prime Minister Zenawi to promote a Free Vibrant and Independent Media. That is what the US should do at the very least. Now that there is a Change in Washington maybe that will happen.
The Author Publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com
Medeshi March 14, 2009
The Soon to Emerge Crisis in Ethiopia: A Bush Legacy?
by Scott A Morgan
Most of the Critics of American Policy in the Horn of Africa generally focus on the fiasco in Somalia. But recent reports are indicating that a Key Regional Ally could possibly be in Danger of Collapsing.
One of the most contested regions in East Africa is the Ogaden Region which lies along the Border between Ethiopia and Somalia. The Two Countries fought a Border Conflict in 1977 which saw the Soviet Union switch its allegiences from Mogadishu to Addis Ababa. After that conflict the Area became a hotspot in the Cold War. After the Collapse of the Soviet Union the Governments of both countries collapsed. Currently there is a Pro-Western Government in Addis Ababa and there is not a strong centralized Government in Somalia.
Since the Fall of the Siad Barre Government in 1991 Ethiopia has sent Forces into Somalia on three occasions. On All Three Occasions theses actions were seen to be proxy conflicts on behalf of the United States. The latest Incursion in December 2006 had Military Support from the United States. The US has been concerned about the rise of Somali Islamists ever since the Day of the Rangers in 1993. In that Battle 18 Members of the US Special Forces were killed trying to apprehend a Somali Warlord.
Ever Since the Controversial Decision to Prop up the TNG there has been a plethora of Problems for Prime Minister Zenawi. Obviously the Move was not popular with the Islamists in Somalia but that decision also led to rising tensions with Eritrea. The two countries fought a War that led to the establishment of an Independent Eritrean State. Now tensions are again rising along the border between the two countries. The Eritreans have been attempting to have the UN Mission leave its territory and the Ethiopians are still concerned.
The situation in Somalia is not the reason to be concerned however. The Area of concern should be the Ogaden Region. Although it has not garnered major coverage in the International Media it has been reported by the various Online Media Outlets from the region. According to Some Outlets a new series of clashes occured last week with reports of heavy casualties on both sides during the series of skirmishes. In the Past the Ogaden has been the base of the Anti-Zenawi Opposition in Ethiopia.
What should the United States do in this instance? There has been Legislation Drafted that would Limit the amount of Military Assistance to be provided by the US to the Improvement of the Human Rights Climate in Ethiopia. This is a good Idea. The US should also assist Civil Society Groups trying to promote Good Governance in Addis Ababa and other areas of Ethiopia. And it should work with Prime Minister Zenawi to promote a Free Vibrant and Independent Media. That is what the US should do at the very least. Now that there is a Change in Washington maybe that will happen.
The Author Publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com
US ANNUAL THREAT ASSESSMENT
Medeshi March 13, 2009
ANNUAL THREAT ASSESSMENT
Statement before the
Committee on Armed Services
United States Senate
10 March 2009
......In Somalia, the Transitional Federal Government will likely continue to weaken,
resulting in a further erosion of order. Largely ineffective, the Somali government is
incapable of addressing the social and economic causes contributing to the ongoing
piracy threat off the Somali coast. Unaddressed, piracy threatens to disrupt the flow of
humanitarian supplies as well as commercial traffic transiting off the Somali coast.
Warships from over a dozen nations currently conduct anti-pirate patrols in regional
waters and have apprehended over 40 suspected pirates this year; most have since been
transferred to Somali and Yemeni authorities for prosecution. Despite this, attacks
continue, but at rates lower than the peak of pirate activity in late 2008.
Read full assessment here: annual assessment
ANNUAL THREAT ASSESSMENT
Statement before the
Committee on Armed Services
United States Senate
10 March 2009
......In Somalia, the Transitional Federal Government will likely continue to weaken,
resulting in a further erosion of order. Largely ineffective, the Somali government is
incapable of addressing the social and economic causes contributing to the ongoing
piracy threat off the Somali coast. Unaddressed, piracy threatens to disrupt the flow of
humanitarian supplies as well as commercial traffic transiting off the Somali coast.
Warships from over a dozen nations currently conduct anti-pirate patrols in regional
waters and have apprehended over 40 suspected pirates this year; most have since been
transferred to Somali and Yemeni authorities for prosecution. Despite this, attacks
continue, but at rates lower than the peak of pirate activity in late 2008.
Read full assessment here: annual assessment
Somaliland wants to send deportee back to Finland
Medeshi
Somaliland wants to send deportee back to Finland
HS International Edition main information source on the case for Somaliland ministry
Somaliland, a state set up in the north of war-torn Somalia, has sharply condemned Finland for deporting a Somali-born man convicted of numerous crimes in Finland to Somaliland early last month.
HS International Edition main information source on the case for Somaliland ministry
Somaliland, a state set up in the north of war-torn Somalia, has sharply condemned Finland for deporting a Somali-born man convicted of numerous crimes in Finland to Somaliland early last month.
(Photo: Minister Mohamed Osman (left) examines the map of Somaliland in his office in Hargeisa. )
“Somaliland is no camping area”, said Mohamed Osman, Somaliland’s Minister of Return Migration and Reconstruction to Helsingin Sanomat on Tuesday. “Finland should apologise to us and take the man back.”
Finnish police escorted the man to Dubai, where they placed him on a plane to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, on February 9th, along with a temporary alien’s passport.
The ministry in Hargeisa learned about this action, and other deportation decisions made by Finland by reading the International Edition of Helsingin Sanomat on the Internet. Osman said that Finnish officials had not been in contact with Somaliland over the issue.
“In our view, the man has been smuggled into Somaliland. We cannot accept this.” Osman says that his ministry has approached Finland, and many other countries, hoping to cooperate on issues of asylum and deportation.
The country has already agreed on cooperation with Britain, Denmark, Sweden, Canada, and The Netherlands.
Osman says that Finland has not reacted to his government’s attempts at contact. “Finnish officials have not responded to us in any way. We interpret this as hostility toward us, and are very disappointed.”
Officials of Somaliland allowed the deportee into the country, because he had no police escort, and he could not be sent back with them.
Osman says that the deportee made a mistake when he boarded a connecting flight in neighbouring Djibouti.
He was ordered to leave Somaliland with his temporary passport, and go to Ethiopia, which has a Finnish Embassy.
Osman says that the man was given a document by the ministry declaring that his presence in Somaliland was unlawful. The deportee’s lawyer has submitted the document to both Finnish officials and the media.
Officials at the Somaliland ministry were especially shocked at how Jorma Vuorio, the director-general of the Finnish Immigration Service, commented on the document given to the deportee. They read his comments to Helsingin Sanomat on the Internet.
Vuorio voiced suspicions that the document was a forgery. "It is possible to get just about any forged document you care to name in Somaliland. Anyone can get hold of anything from there, even a passport if required", he said.
“The statement indicates a total lack of diplomacy, as well as ignorance of Somaliland. We would expect a person in such a high position not to make such statements”, the Somaliland minister said.
In the news story, Vuorio did not believe that the man was in danger of being deported from Somaliland.
“This person [Vuorio] supports chaos and anarchy. He violates the fundamental human rights of the deportee”, the minister told Helsingin Sanomat.
Officials at the ministry were surprised to hear that the deportee is still in Hargeisa. His alien’s passport is no longer in force, and the ministry assumed that he had stayed in Ethiopia.
“We will put out a warrant for him. If the police find him, we will have to consider what to do. It might be possible to send him to Somalia, from where he could come by land to Somaliland, in which case he would be classified as a refugee.”
“He is a criminal. If he continues this kind of behaviour, he is in danger of losing his life. We have lost 100,000 people in a civil war. Perhaps Finland has lived in peace for so long that people there do not understand what it is like to come from a war zone.”
More on this subject: Interior Ministry: “The guy is there, and that’s that”
“Somaliland is no camping area”, said Mohamed Osman, Somaliland’s Minister of Return Migration and Reconstruction to Helsingin Sanomat on Tuesday. “Finland should apologise to us and take the man back.”
Finnish police escorted the man to Dubai, where they placed him on a plane to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, on February 9th, along with a temporary alien’s passport.
The ministry in Hargeisa learned about this action, and other deportation decisions made by Finland by reading the International Edition of Helsingin Sanomat on the Internet. Osman said that Finnish officials had not been in contact with Somaliland over the issue.
“In our view, the man has been smuggled into Somaliland. We cannot accept this.” Osman says that his ministry has approached Finland, and many other countries, hoping to cooperate on issues of asylum and deportation.
The country has already agreed on cooperation with Britain, Denmark, Sweden, Canada, and The Netherlands.
Osman says that Finland has not reacted to his government’s attempts at contact. “Finnish officials have not responded to us in any way. We interpret this as hostility toward us, and are very disappointed.”
Officials of Somaliland allowed the deportee into the country, because he had no police escort, and he could not be sent back with them.
Osman says that the deportee made a mistake when he boarded a connecting flight in neighbouring Djibouti.
He was ordered to leave Somaliland with his temporary passport, and go to Ethiopia, which has a Finnish Embassy.
Osman says that the man was given a document by the ministry declaring that his presence in Somaliland was unlawful. The deportee’s lawyer has submitted the document to both Finnish officials and the media.
Officials at the Somaliland ministry were especially shocked at how Jorma Vuorio, the director-general of the Finnish Immigration Service, commented on the document given to the deportee. They read his comments to Helsingin Sanomat on the Internet.
Vuorio voiced suspicions that the document was a forgery. "It is possible to get just about any forged document you care to name in Somaliland. Anyone can get hold of anything from there, even a passport if required", he said.
“The statement indicates a total lack of diplomacy, as well as ignorance of Somaliland. We would expect a person in such a high position not to make such statements”, the Somaliland minister said.
In the news story, Vuorio did not believe that the man was in danger of being deported from Somaliland.
“This person [Vuorio] supports chaos and anarchy. He violates the fundamental human rights of the deportee”, the minister told Helsingin Sanomat.
Officials at the ministry were surprised to hear that the deportee is still in Hargeisa. His alien’s passport is no longer in force, and the ministry assumed that he had stayed in Ethiopia.
“We will put out a warrant for him. If the police find him, we will have to consider what to do. It might be possible to send him to Somalia, from where he could come by land to Somaliland, in which case he would be classified as a refugee.”
“He is a criminal. If he continues this kind of behaviour, he is in danger of losing his life. We have lost 100,000 people in a civil war. Perhaps Finland has lived in peace for so long that people there do not understand what it is like to come from a war zone.”
More on this subject: Interior Ministry: “The guy is there, and that’s that”
Water pipe sparks Somali/Ethiopian conflict
Medeshi March 13, 2009
Water pipe sparks Somali/Ethiopian conflict
Some 70,000 people have fled their homes in a remote part of southern Ethiopia, after a deadly conflict broke out between rival groups - apparently triggered by the construction of a new borehole. The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt has been to visit the affected areas.
Wamo Boru and his family used to live in Kafa, one of the many small ethnic Borana communities scattered across the arid borderlands of southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya.
The hard red earth shows through the thin grass of the sun-baked landscape, a wide expanse of thorny scrub, flat-topped thorn-trees and tall red anthills.
The Borana lead a hard life, especially in the past year or two, when rains have been poor.
But the community had its livestock - cattle and camels and goats - and was expecting to have a better water supply when the Oromia regional government finished work on a new borehole in the area.
But at the beginning of February they had - quite literally - a rude awakening.
“ In past conflicts, communities would fight, but they wouldn't destroy government property ” Mohamed Nur Emergency official
"It was nine o'clock at night, we were sleeping when we were fired at," said Wamo.
"We just had to jump from our sleep and protect ourselves. Because it was night, we didn't see who was attacking us, but we think they were the people called Gherri from Somali regional state.
"They came on foot, without vehicles, but they had bombs and missile launchers, and at that time we didn't have guns, only sticks to defend ourselves."
Wamo, his family and neighbours fled with just the clothes they stood up in.
They managed to bring some of their stronger livestock with them, but they had to leave the weaker ones behind to be taken by the raiders.
Now they are camped close to the dirt road that runs east from Yabelo, the administrative headquarters of Ethiopia's Borana zone.
Wareba, the village teacher, is there too; he lost one of his in-laws in the raid.
"This was a war no-one was prepared for," he says.
"That was how the Somalis could come and destroy so much."
The children he used to teach are scattered across the area, and, he says, "not in good condition".
Wamo says three members of their community died during the attack, another seven were badly injured.
Their community is now just another group of displaced people - 2,000 of them among nearly 70,000 estimated to have been driven from their homes by the fighting.
Jealousy
This part of Ethiopia has a long history of conflict, cattle raiding and fights over water and grazing among its various pastoral communities.
But this, says Wamo, was different from other wars.
"They came and fought us at night," he says. "It was not a warrior-like war."
He attributes the attack to jealousy over the scheme to dig a new borehole.
"They didn't want us to live well, and water is very important to us, so they attacked our water source."
The emergency-response officer from the local administration, Mohamed Nur, agrees that it was an unusual conflict.
"This went to a very large scale," he said.
“ The Somalis are problematic people - they are always pushing us ” Guyo Halake Liban Borana politician
"It affected a huge number of people from both sides. In past conflicts, communities would fight, but they wouldn't destroy government property, like the drilling rig."
An attack on the new borehole may have started the fighting, but the causes are deep rooted.
The water scheme was close to the dividing line between two of Ethiopia's ethnically-based regional states - Oromia and Somali regions - a boundary which has never been properly demarcated.
The Oromo regional government thought it was drilling the borehole on its own territory; people in Somali region thought it was on their side of the boundary.
When Somalis destroyed the rig, the Borana mobilised to take revenge, angry at what they saw as years of Somali encroachment.
"The Somalis are problematic people," said one Borana politician from the Moyale area, Guyo Halake Liban.
"They are always pushing us. It's as if I give you a place to pitch your tent and the following morning you are telling me to leave; the Borana are not accepting that.
"These people have pushed the Borana from very, very far places. I don't think the Borana are willing to move an inch from where they are any more."
Stockpiling weapons
Like all pastoralists in this part of the world, Borana men habitually go armed to defend their flocks.
When they fought back, there were pitched battles in the area. More than 300 people are thought to have died.
Humanitarian workers like Mohamed Nur are now dealing with the consequences.
The first priority, he says, is food and shelter for the displaced - the people from Kafa say they are living mostly on water and sweet milkless tea.
Following that, he says there has to be agreement between members of the two rival communities, and between the two regional governments.
At the moment the fighting seems to have stopped.
But there are reports that both Borana and Somalis have been stockpiling weapons in an area about 100km (62 miles) east of where Wamo Boru and his family are camped, with a force of Ethiopia's paramilitary federal police positioned in between the two sides.
Many of the displaced have had their villages destroyed or lost all their livestock to the attackers.
In areas near the border, some of those stolen animals have probably been taken across into Kenya, which will make it even more difficult to get them back.
And until there is some guarantee of peace, Wamo and his family and neighbours are not going to be able to go back home.
Story from BBC NEWS:
Water pipe sparks Somali/Ethiopian conflict
Some 70,000 people have fled their homes in a remote part of southern Ethiopia, after a deadly conflict broke out between rival groups - apparently triggered by the construction of a new borehole. The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt has been to visit the affected areas.
Wamo Boru and his family used to live in Kafa, one of the many small ethnic Borana communities scattered across the arid borderlands of southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya.
The hard red earth shows through the thin grass of the sun-baked landscape, a wide expanse of thorny scrub, flat-topped thorn-trees and tall red anthills.
The Borana lead a hard life, especially in the past year or two, when rains have been poor.
But the community had its livestock - cattle and camels and goats - and was expecting to have a better water supply when the Oromia regional government finished work on a new borehole in the area.
But at the beginning of February they had - quite literally - a rude awakening.
“ In past conflicts, communities would fight, but they wouldn't destroy government property ” Mohamed Nur Emergency official
"It was nine o'clock at night, we were sleeping when we were fired at," said Wamo.
"We just had to jump from our sleep and protect ourselves. Because it was night, we didn't see who was attacking us, but we think they were the people called Gherri from Somali regional state.
"They came on foot, without vehicles, but they had bombs and missile launchers, and at that time we didn't have guns, only sticks to defend ourselves."
Wamo, his family and neighbours fled with just the clothes they stood up in.
They managed to bring some of their stronger livestock with them, but they had to leave the weaker ones behind to be taken by the raiders.
Now they are camped close to the dirt road that runs east from Yabelo, the administrative headquarters of Ethiopia's Borana zone.
Wareba, the village teacher, is there too; he lost one of his in-laws in the raid.
"This was a war no-one was prepared for," he says.
"That was how the Somalis could come and destroy so much."
The children he used to teach are scattered across the area, and, he says, "not in good condition".
Wamo says three members of their community died during the attack, another seven were badly injured.
Their community is now just another group of displaced people - 2,000 of them among nearly 70,000 estimated to have been driven from their homes by the fighting.
Jealousy
This part of Ethiopia has a long history of conflict, cattle raiding and fights over water and grazing among its various pastoral communities.
But this, says Wamo, was different from other wars.
"They came and fought us at night," he says. "It was not a warrior-like war."
He attributes the attack to jealousy over the scheme to dig a new borehole.
"They didn't want us to live well, and water is very important to us, so they attacked our water source."
The emergency-response officer from the local administration, Mohamed Nur, agrees that it was an unusual conflict.
"This went to a very large scale," he said.
“ The Somalis are problematic people - they are always pushing us ” Guyo Halake Liban Borana politician
"It affected a huge number of people from both sides. In past conflicts, communities would fight, but they wouldn't destroy government property, like the drilling rig."
An attack on the new borehole may have started the fighting, but the causes are deep rooted.
The water scheme was close to the dividing line between two of Ethiopia's ethnically-based regional states - Oromia and Somali regions - a boundary which has never been properly demarcated.
The Oromo regional government thought it was drilling the borehole on its own territory; people in Somali region thought it was on their side of the boundary.
When Somalis destroyed the rig, the Borana mobilised to take revenge, angry at what they saw as years of Somali encroachment.
"The Somalis are problematic people," said one Borana politician from the Moyale area, Guyo Halake Liban.
"They are always pushing us. It's as if I give you a place to pitch your tent and the following morning you are telling me to leave; the Borana are not accepting that.
"These people have pushed the Borana from very, very far places. I don't think the Borana are willing to move an inch from where they are any more."
Stockpiling weapons
Like all pastoralists in this part of the world, Borana men habitually go armed to defend their flocks.
When they fought back, there were pitched battles in the area. More than 300 people are thought to have died.
Humanitarian workers like Mohamed Nur are now dealing with the consequences.
The first priority, he says, is food and shelter for the displaced - the people from Kafa say they are living mostly on water and sweet milkless tea.
Following that, he says there has to be agreement between members of the two rival communities, and between the two regional governments.
At the moment the fighting seems to have stopped.
But there are reports that both Borana and Somalis have been stockpiling weapons in an area about 100km (62 miles) east of where Wamo Boru and his family are camped, with a force of Ethiopia's paramilitary federal police positioned in between the two sides.
Many of the displaced have had their villages destroyed or lost all their livestock to the attackers.
In areas near the border, some of those stolen animals have probably been taken across into Kenya, which will make it even more difficult to get them back.
And until there is some guarantee of peace, Wamo and his family and neighbours are not going to be able to go back home.
Story from BBC NEWS:
USA Haunted by Somalia
Medeshi
USA Haunted by Somalia
U.S. policy blunders helped throw the nation into anarchy. Now Al Qaeda may be taking advantage.
LA Times
March 13, 2009
We can't say we weren't warned: In an annual assessment of major national security threats presented to the Senate Armed Services Committee on Tuesday, military intelligence chief Lt. Gen. Michael D. Maples revealed that Al Qaeda is strengthening its foothold in East Africa. Specifically, an Islamic terrorist group in Somalia, Al Shabab,(Somalia) has been releasing propaganda pointing out its shared ideology with Al Qaeda, suggesting, Maples said, that "a formal merger announcement is forthcoming."
This is worrisome not only because Somalia is a failed state overrun by armed militants that makes Afghanistan under the Taliban look like the garden spot of South Asia, but because Al Shabab is actively recruiting American citizens. Young men of Somali descent have been vanishing from Minnesota and other Midwestern states and heading for Somalian terrorist training camps run by Al Shabab, which means "the Youth" in Arabic. One of them has already carried out a suicide bombing in Africa, and others are believed to be forming terrorist cells to hit targets in Europe and the United States. A union with Al Qaeda makes that scenario even likelier.
And that's not the worst part. Al Shabab probably would not exist were it not for the disastrous failure of U.S. policies in Somalia. In other words, we are the authors of our own undoing.
Somalia is where well-meaning U.S. foreign policy measures go to die. Presidents Clinton and George W. Bush both failed dismally in their efforts to stabilize the anarchic country, which hasn't had a functioning government since 1991. In their experiences, and in the years that followed, we've seen clearly what doesn't work.
At the top of the list: military force, whether by U.S. troops or proxy armies. Clinton learned this in 1993 when he sent U.S. Army Rangers to hunt for the country's leading warlord at the time, Mohammed Farah Aidid. They encountered unanticipated resistance from armed groups in the capital city of Mogadishu and discovered a truism of Somali culture: A society that seems hopelessly splintered by clan identities and loyalties to opposing warlords becomes highly unified when confronted by outsiders. Clinton's operation, chronicled in the film “Black Hawk Down,” was a humiliating defeat that resulted in the deaths of 18 U.S. soldiers and ended U.S. efforts to rid Somalia of its warlords.
After that, the United States was mostly content to leave Somalia's crumbling affairs to the United Nations. The U.N.-backed regime that followed was a bad joke, struggling to control the immediate vicinity of its enclave in Baidoa while leaving the rest of the country to fend for itself. But a glimmer of hope appeared in the early years of this decade when Muslim groups began banding together in a network called the Islamic Courts Union. It imposed a particularly repressive brand of Sharia law on the territories it oversaw, but also brought something the country hadn't seen for more than a decade: order.
The Islamic Courts Union disarmed the populace, tamed the warlords and stamped out piracy on the country's coast. But its versionof Islamic nationalism was deeply troubling to the Bush administration, whose intelligence services reported that it contained radical anti-American elements. Fearing a repeat of the Taliban experience in Afghanistan, the administration first armed warlords who pledged to fight the Islamists, then encouraged the government of next-door Ethiopia, a strong U.S. ally, to invade in 2006. Ethiopian troops encountered little resistance and quickly took over. But the Ethiopians found themselves confronting a grinding insurgency akin to that in Iraq, and a refugee crisis as people fled the increasingly dangerous streets of Mogadishu. Ethiopian troops pulled out in January, leaving a power vacuum behind.
Into that vacuum stepped Al Shabab. With most of the moderate elements of the Islamic Courts Union having left the country or been driven underground during the Ethiopian occupation, it was the radical young members of Al Shabab who were left to fight the insurgency, and who have emerged as probably the most powerful military force in Somalia. Islamic Courts Union. It is a measure of how badly things have deteriorated since the Ethiopian invasion that the West is looking to Somalia's latest president, Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, as the best hope to bring stability to the country, despite the fact that he is nearly powerless and that he had previously been a leading figure with the hated Islamic Courts Union.
In 2006, this page advised the international community to work with moderate Islamists and encourage them to form a stable government that, if it wouldn't rule over a bastion of democracy or human rights, would at least create a functioning state where the rule of law held sway, rather than a hotbed of terrorism and piracy. We're hoping the Obama administration learns from past mistakes and takes our years-old advice. That doesn't mean giving guns and money to warlords, but shoring up religious leaders such as Sheik Ahmed and identifying others who are worthy of support. Theocracy is nobody's idea of good government, but as we've learned the hard way in Somalia, it's better than anarchy.
USA Haunted by Somalia
U.S. policy blunders helped throw the nation into anarchy. Now Al Qaeda may be taking advantage.
LA Times
March 13, 2009
We can't say we weren't warned: In an annual assessment of major national security threats presented to the Senate Armed Services Committee on Tuesday, military intelligence chief Lt. Gen. Michael D. Maples revealed that Al Qaeda is strengthening its foothold in East Africa. Specifically, an Islamic terrorist group in Somalia, Al Shabab,(Somalia) has been releasing propaganda pointing out its shared ideology with Al Qaeda, suggesting, Maples said, that "a formal merger announcement is forthcoming."
This is worrisome not only because Somalia is a failed state overrun by armed militants that makes Afghanistan under the Taliban look like the garden spot of South Asia, but because Al Shabab is actively recruiting American citizens. Young men of Somali descent have been vanishing from Minnesota and other Midwestern states and heading for Somalian terrorist training camps run by Al Shabab, which means "the Youth" in Arabic. One of them has already carried out a suicide bombing in Africa, and others are believed to be forming terrorist cells to hit targets in Europe and the United States. A union with Al Qaeda makes that scenario even likelier.
And that's not the worst part. Al Shabab probably would not exist were it not for the disastrous failure of U.S. policies in Somalia. In other words, we are the authors of our own undoing.
Somalia is where well-meaning U.S. foreign policy measures go to die. Presidents Clinton and George W. Bush both failed dismally in their efforts to stabilize the anarchic country, which hasn't had a functioning government since 1991. In their experiences, and in the years that followed, we've seen clearly what doesn't work.
At the top of the list: military force, whether by U.S. troops or proxy armies. Clinton learned this in 1993 when he sent U.S. Army Rangers to hunt for the country's leading warlord at the time, Mohammed Farah Aidid. They encountered unanticipated resistance from armed groups in the capital city of Mogadishu and discovered a truism of Somali culture: A society that seems hopelessly splintered by clan identities and loyalties to opposing warlords becomes highly unified when confronted by outsiders. Clinton's operation, chronicled in the film “Black Hawk Down,” was a humiliating defeat that resulted in the deaths of 18 U.S. soldiers and ended U.S. efforts to rid Somalia of its warlords.
After that, the United States was mostly content to leave Somalia's crumbling affairs to the United Nations. The U.N.-backed regime that followed was a bad joke, struggling to control the immediate vicinity of its enclave in Baidoa while leaving the rest of the country to fend for itself. But a glimmer of hope appeared in the early years of this decade when Muslim groups began banding together in a network called the Islamic Courts Union. It imposed a particularly repressive brand of Sharia law on the territories it oversaw, but also brought something the country hadn't seen for more than a decade: order.
The Islamic Courts Union disarmed the populace, tamed the warlords and stamped out piracy on the country's coast. But its versionof Islamic nationalism was deeply troubling to the Bush administration, whose intelligence services reported that it contained radical anti-American elements. Fearing a repeat of the Taliban experience in Afghanistan, the administration first armed warlords who pledged to fight the Islamists, then encouraged the government of next-door Ethiopia, a strong U.S. ally, to invade in 2006. Ethiopian troops encountered little resistance and quickly took over. But the Ethiopians found themselves confronting a grinding insurgency akin to that in Iraq, and a refugee crisis as people fled the increasingly dangerous streets of Mogadishu. Ethiopian troops pulled out in January, leaving a power vacuum behind.
Into that vacuum stepped Al Shabab. With most of the moderate elements of the Islamic Courts Union having left the country or been driven underground during the Ethiopian occupation, it was the radical young members of Al Shabab who were left to fight the insurgency, and who have emerged as probably the most powerful military force in Somalia. Islamic Courts Union. It is a measure of how badly things have deteriorated since the Ethiopian invasion that the West is looking to Somalia's latest president, Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, as the best hope to bring stability to the country, despite the fact that he is nearly powerless and that he had previously been a leading figure with the hated Islamic Courts Union.
In 2006, this page advised the international community to work with moderate Islamists and encourage them to form a stable government that, if it wouldn't rule over a bastion of democracy or human rights, would at least create a functioning state where the rule of law held sway, rather than a hotbed of terrorism and piracy. We're hoping the Obama administration learns from past mistakes and takes our years-old advice. That doesn't mean giving guns and money to warlords, but shoring up religious leaders such as Sheik Ahmed and identifying others who are worthy of support. Theocracy is nobody's idea of good government, but as we've learned the hard way in Somalia, it's better than anarchy.
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