Medeshi
RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE HORN OF AFRICA FIELD COURSE 2009
We are pleased to announce that the second Horn of Africa Course will beheld from Saturday 20 June to Friday 26 June 2009, in Lamu, Kenya. For aprospectus and application form please write to horn.course@riftvalley.net
The Horn of Africa Course is a one-week, intensive, graduate-level,residential programme that provides a fast-track introduction to thehistory, political economy and culture of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti,South-central Somalia, Puntland, Somaliland and northern Kenya. The Courseis designed for aid workers, diplomats, peacekeepers, researchers,campaigners, business people and journalists, who are living and working inthe region or about to start. The course examines the historical andcultural patterns of this diverse region and the contemporary issues andchallenges faced by people in these countries. The residential nature of thecourse provides extensive opportunity for informal exchanges betweenstudents and teaching staff.
The course is taught by regional and international specialists. The Directorof Studies is Ken Menkhaus, Professor of Political Science from DavidsonCollege, and A prolific author on the region. The Course Director is MarkBradbury, author of "Becoming Somaliland".
The teaching staff on this year's course includes the following: LeeCassanelli, of the University of Pennsylvania, author of "The Shaping ofSomali Society"; Terrence Lyons, Associate Professor of Conflict Resolutionat the Institute for Conflict Analysis at George Mason University and authorof "Avoiding Conflict in the Horn of Africa: U.S. Policy toward Ethiopia andEritrea;" Dekha Ibrahim Abdi, Kenyan civic activist and peace builder andwinner of the 2007 Right Livelihood Award; Sally Healy OBE, Fellow ofChatham House and author of the recent report, "Lost Opportunities in theHorn of Africa: How Conflicts Connect and Peace Agreements Unravel"; JabrilIbrahim Abdulle, civic activist and Director of the Centre for Research andDialogue, Mogadishu; Kjetil Tronvoll, University of Oslo, co-author of"Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War".
Rift Valley Institute website http://www.riftvalley.net/
Earlier RVI courses http://www.riftvalley.net/?view=courses
Videoclips of earlier RVI courses http://www.youtube.com/Riftvalleyinstitute
The Rift Valley Institute (RVI) is a non-profit research and educationalorganization working with communities and institutions in Eastern Africa,including Sudan and the Horn. RVI programmes connect local knowledge toglobal information, aiming to modify development practice. Programmesinclude field-based social research, support for indigenous educationalinstitutions, in-country training courses and a digital library. RVI Fellowsare academic specialists and practitioners in the fields of education,conservation, media, law and human rights. To unsubscribe from the RVImailing list please write to administration@riftvalley.net
Somaliland among 64 countries to go to polls in 2009
Medeshi
64 countries to go to polls in 2009
8 Mar 2009, IST, Subodh Varma, TNN
NEW DELHI: It's not just India that's swirling to the dance of democracy. 2009 will be the biggest year for electoral democracy in history, with
governments that rule over 2.6 billion people seeking a mandate from them. In India alone, there are more than 700 million voters.
From the tropical rain forests of Congo and Ivory Coast, to the icy wilderness of Greenland, from palm-fringed beaches of New Caledonia to the vast pampas of Argentina, people in 64 countries will be voting this year to elect new governments.
Some of the more important elections coming up in 2009 are in Iran, South Africa, Japan, Afghanistan, Mexico and Palestine. Some countries have already gone to the polls in the first two months of this year, notably, Israel and El Salvador.
Apart from the 64 countries having direct elections, five others are holding indirect elections, that is, an elected legislature further electing a head of state, as in Bangladesh and Germany. Another 14 countries will vote on crucial issues through referendums. These include Denmark, Switzerland and Iraq. Iraqis will vote to decide the fate of an agreement between their government and the United States on the future of US armed forces currently occupying the country.
Elections may be a common feature but countries going to the polls this year are hugely different. Leichtenstein with a population of just about 37,000 and Andorra with about 83,000 will be voting, as will be several small island nations like the Comoros and French Polynesia.
Another contender is Somaliland. A breakaway province of Somalia which declared sovereignty in 1991, Somaliland is yet to be recognized by any country in the world, but it holds regular five-yearly elections for president.
In Africa, several of the most backward countries, which have long been victims of bloody wars are also slated to make tentative approaches to democracy. These include Sudan, where war and famine in the Darfur region have taken a toll of over half a million people in the past decade. Adjoining Chad, home to over 200,000 Darfur refugees is also going to elections. In the Republic of Congo too, elections are being held in the hope of ending a conflict fuelled by greed for its rich mineral resources.
For the world, elections in some of the countries assume an added importance due to geo-political considerations. Iran is witnessing a keen tussle between moderates and hardline fundamentalists in the forthcoming presidential elections. The outcome may determine the strategic equations in the region, which is already embroiled in several lethal wars from Palestine to Afghanistan. Israel has already held elections on February 10, leading to the victory of a coalition of rightwing forces, riding on a wave of support after the recent Gaza war. On the other side, elections to the Palestinian National Authority are also scheduled for this year, with the ruling Al Fatah party facing a Palestinian electorate angry over its vacillation in the face of the Israeli attack on Gaza. There are chances that the militant Hamas will wrest the leadership.
In South Africa, a splintered African National Congress faces people discontented at growing inequality and elitism.
Not many of the developed nations are voting this year and so, their people will not be able to give a political reaction to the ongoing economic slump. However, elections to the European Union Parliament, representing about 500 million people in 27 member states, may well see a political fallout of the global recession.
Several less-developed countries that have got tied up with the global order and thus suffered from its downfall are facing tough elections. These include Argentina and Chile in South America, and East European emerging economies like Bulgaria, Moldova, Romania, Slovakia and Macedonia.
64 countries to go to polls in 2009
8 Mar 2009, IST, Subodh Varma, TNN
NEW DELHI: It's not just India that's swirling to the dance of democracy. 2009 will be the biggest year for electoral democracy in history, with
governments that rule over 2.6 billion people seeking a mandate from them. In India alone, there are more than 700 million voters.
From the tropical rain forests of Congo and Ivory Coast, to the icy wilderness of Greenland, from palm-fringed beaches of New Caledonia to the vast pampas of Argentina, people in 64 countries will be voting this year to elect new governments.
Some of the more important elections coming up in 2009 are in Iran, South Africa, Japan, Afghanistan, Mexico and Palestine. Some countries have already gone to the polls in the first two months of this year, notably, Israel and El Salvador.
Apart from the 64 countries having direct elections, five others are holding indirect elections, that is, an elected legislature further electing a head of state, as in Bangladesh and Germany. Another 14 countries will vote on crucial issues through referendums. These include Denmark, Switzerland and Iraq. Iraqis will vote to decide the fate of an agreement between their government and the United States on the future of US armed forces currently occupying the country.
Elections may be a common feature but countries going to the polls this year are hugely different. Leichtenstein with a population of just about 37,000 and Andorra with about 83,000 will be voting, as will be several small island nations like the Comoros and French Polynesia.
Another contender is Somaliland. A breakaway province of Somalia which declared sovereignty in 1991, Somaliland is yet to be recognized by any country in the world, but it holds regular five-yearly elections for president.
In Africa, several of the most backward countries, which have long been victims of bloody wars are also slated to make tentative approaches to democracy. These include Sudan, where war and famine in the Darfur region have taken a toll of over half a million people in the past decade. Adjoining Chad, home to over 200,000 Darfur refugees is also going to elections. In the Republic of Congo too, elections are being held in the hope of ending a conflict fuelled by greed for its rich mineral resources.
For the world, elections in some of the countries assume an added importance due to geo-political considerations. Iran is witnessing a keen tussle between moderates and hardline fundamentalists in the forthcoming presidential elections. The outcome may determine the strategic equations in the region, which is already embroiled in several lethal wars from Palestine to Afghanistan. Israel has already held elections on February 10, leading to the victory of a coalition of rightwing forces, riding on a wave of support after the recent Gaza war. On the other side, elections to the Palestinian National Authority are also scheduled for this year, with the ruling Al Fatah party facing a Palestinian electorate angry over its vacillation in the face of the Israeli attack on Gaza. There are chances that the militant Hamas will wrest the leadership.
In South Africa, a splintered African National Congress faces people discontented at growing inequality and elitism.
Not many of the developed nations are voting this year and so, their people will not be able to give a political reaction to the ongoing economic slump. However, elections to the European Union Parliament, representing about 500 million people in 27 member states, may well see a political fallout of the global recession.
Several less-developed countries that have got tied up with the global order and thus suffered from its downfall are facing tough elections. These include Argentina and Chile in South America, and East European emerging economies like Bulgaria, Moldova, Romania, Slovakia and Macedonia.
2008 Human Rights Reports: Ethiopia
Medeshi
March 7, 2009
2008 Human Rights Reports: Ethiopia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
US State Department
Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. The population was approximately 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a third consecutive five-year term. In local and by-elections held in April the EPRDF and allied parties won virtually all of the more than three million seats contested, severely diminishing opportunities for mainstream political opposition. Prior to the vote, ruling coalition agents and supporters used coercive tactics and manipulation of the electoral process, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Political parties were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained fractured. During the year fighting between government forces, including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, nationalist, insurgent movement operating in the Somali Region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses by all parties, particularly diversion of food aid from intended beneficiaries suffering from a severe drought. Although there were fewer reports of extrajudicial killings and other similar human rights violations in the Ogaden than the previous year, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and others reported persistent abuses. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were numerous instances in which elements within those forces acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses reported during the year included limitations on citizens' right to change their government in local and by-elections; unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, usually with impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; police and judicial corruption; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens' privacy rights including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists;restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation (FGM); exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; and government interference in union activities, including harassment of union leaders.
Read full report here: US State Department
March 7, 2009
2008 Human Rights Reports: Ethiopia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
US State Department
Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. The population was approximately 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a third consecutive five-year term. In local and by-elections held in April the EPRDF and allied parties won virtually all of the more than three million seats contested, severely diminishing opportunities for mainstream political opposition. Prior to the vote, ruling coalition agents and supporters used coercive tactics and manipulation of the electoral process, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Political parties were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained fractured. During the year fighting between government forces, including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, nationalist, insurgent movement operating in the Somali Region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses by all parties, particularly diversion of food aid from intended beneficiaries suffering from a severe drought. Although there were fewer reports of extrajudicial killings and other similar human rights violations in the Ogaden than the previous year, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and others reported persistent abuses. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were numerous instances in which elements within those forces acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses reported during the year included limitations on citizens' right to change their government in local and by-elections; unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, usually with impunity; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups; police and judicial corruption; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens' privacy rights including illegal searches; use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations; restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists;restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital mutilation (FGM); exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; and government interference in union activities, including harassment of union leaders.
Read full report here: US State Department
Somaliland President’s Speech at Chatham House
Medeshi
Somaliland President’s Speech at Chatham House
Sat, Mar 7, 2009
Somaliland Press
Mr. Chairperson;Distinguished Guests;Ladies and Gentleman;
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you, for inviting me to Chatham House. I am extremely delighted to be here with you this afternoon, to speak about the issue of Recognition of Somaliland among others.
I would like to emphasis the success story of Somaliland which by and large the international community failed to recognize. A success story that is basically considered us a miracle achievement attained by Somalilanders, without tangible assistance.
Over the years our administration has taken series of steps towards a nation building process from 1991. This process was long and painstaking one, it constituted reconciliation, demobilization and Institutional processes through homegrown bottom up approach. Which by and large became a Model for nation building.
It all started with an SNM (Somali National Movement) sponsored Conference held in Burao in May, 1991(Widely known as Burao National Conference), which set the stage for a new beginning – the restoration of Somaliland’s statehood in 1960. Then followed a National Conference in Borama in 1993, which was the corner stone of an elected President and Vice President the adoption of a National Charter with a two-chamber parliament through Electoral College. A model labeled as “Africa’s Best Kept Secret” by Prof. Iqbal Jhazbay of South Africa. It is worth noting during that process that there were hiccups and pitfalls that slowed down the process, such as the conflict of 1995 to late 1996 that took place amongst our selves, which costed both human lives and other resources. Somaliland overcame this conflict through reconciliation. That was a learning experience. Once again in 1997 an electoral college was assembled in Hargeisa, whereby a President (Late President Egal) and myself as Vice President where elected.
In Addition, a national constitution was adopted and was put for a national referendum in 2001 with 97 % percent of approval. International observers described the process as free, fair and consistent with international norms for referenda and elections. In the meantime, back to back election were held, i.e. Local Government, presidential, and Parliamentary elections which were characterized by the International Community as fair and transparent. It is worth noting once again, that the aforementioned process was extremely challenging and terribly costly.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to note, that our Late President, Mr. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, (My God bless his soul) has passed away on May 2002 in South Africa. At the time, the term of his office was to expire within nine Months. Soon after the death of late President, I was sworn in as the new President of the Republic of Somaliland, according to the constitution of the Republic which states that the vice President takes the seat of the President. This was the smoothest transition that I can thing of, after the nine (9) Months we held the first Local Government, Presidential and Parliamentary elections successfully. During my tenure, my administration made possible all of these back to back elections with transparency and fairness.
All alone, Somaliland has contributed immensely to the regional security, Democratization process and a regional geopolitical stability. Today Somaliland enjoys fantastic relationship with its neighbours.
Somaliland attained its independence from Great Britain 1960. As a result 35 Countries recognized Somaliland’s statehood; these included Egypt, Ghana and Libya among others.
As you are fully aware of the definition of a STATE is that it should have:
1. A permanent population;
2. A defined territory;
3. A functioning Government;
4. A capacity to enter into relations with other states.
My country fulfils all the above and thus qualifies for statehood.Allow me to say something about our views towards Somalia. There are those who believe that the recognition issue of Somaliland may adversely affect or undermine the reconciliation efforts underway. I would argue that the opposite is true. If Somaliland is recognized, those in Somalia would concentrate and spend all their energies in finding a solution to their conflict, if Somaliland issue is taken out of the equation. In addition, we believe that a sovereign and recognized Somaliland could play a positive role in the reconciliation of Somalia.
Having seen the tremendous strides Somaliland has made despite enormous odds, in the past 18 years, the world community padded Somalilanders on the back, and told us time and again that we are on the right track, and that we should continue on this course. The people of Somaliland have decided in their 2001 referendum to affirm their sovereignty thus challenging the world community as to how long to stay on the course without recognition? It is about high time that the international community gives serious attention to the achievements and the success story of Somaliland.If East-Timor, Eritrea, Serbia, Georgia, Kosovo to name a few were recognized as sovereign nations, in the last 18 years, why not Somaliland. The fact, the matter is that Somaliland is more populated than approximately 63 sovereign countries including Luxemburg, the republic of Congo and Jamaica. Somaliland is also larger in area than 85 sovereign nations, including Belgium, Jordan, and El-Salvador.
Somaliland has built a society founded on peace, democracy, justice and the rule of law. Our commitment to the peace and stability of the region included unreserved respect for the unity and territorial integrity of all our neighboring states; expecting a reciprocal treatment from its neighbors.
Somaliland neither stands for secession, nor for the revision of Africa’s borders. The people of Somaliland have made their choice loud and clear, independence is an inalienable right.
Today, our economy and livelihood by and large depends entirely on the livestock sector, a sector that is subject to extreme fluctuations depending on the domestic weather conditions and external market situations, two vital variables not under our control. We are working hard to diversify the economy, by exploiting our vast untapped resources, like oil and gas, precious stones and the vast sea resources over the coming years. We have already taken steps in that direction, we will open the 15th of March the first bid round for hydrocarbon concession, the bid round will include eight concession blocks comprised of more than 89,624 square Kilometers of onshore and offshore, but our efforts are being hamstrung by the refusal of the international community to invest in our country or deal with us bilaterally.
The Lack of de jure Recognition hinders the development of Somaliland in terms of foreign investment, infrastructure and the delivery of meaningful social services, in that respect Somaliland earnestly, requests from member states of International Organizations to recognize Somaliland. Justice delayed is Justice denied.
Such a recognition will in no doubt allow the European Union, World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations, and the international community in general, to deal with Somaliland on a bilateral basis and engage with us in the developmental programmes that Somaliland has been wrongfully denied over the years.
Understandably, there is an alarm here in London and elsewhere and around the world about the issue of failed states in these troubling times, and a desire to limit any dangers they might pose to our collective security.
Trust me, we know all about failed states. Somaliland is not a failed state, but rather, a capable, responsible and democratic state. However, we share the same fears with you about failed states, and the threat they could pose to us all.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Likewise, the well-being and the success of other nations can equally have a profound positive effect on all of us. The reality on the ground today is, in our global village, what is good for one country is good for the other. The surest and the most effective way of fighting terrorism is not by trying to cure the symptom of the disease but the root cause of the malady by eradicating poverty, which manifests itself in misery and frustration. It is easy to assume that a neglected poverty-ridden society will be a congenial breeding ground for terrorists. The rich and the poor countries must have a common agreement to fight and cooperate in the interest of all mankind to eliminate poverty at the global level. Fighting human misery and degradation of human life must be a common concern for everybody, if we aspire a more peaceful life in this fast shrinking world of ours.In the past Somaliland has been a victim of terrorism on numerous occasions. Most recently, on October .29th Last Year, International Terrorism struck the heart and the soul of Somaliland. Using at least three suicide car bombs, violent extremists attacked our innocent citizens, the symbols of our democracy, the United Nations offices and the Ethiopian mission in Hargeisa the Capital City of Somaliland. More than twenty innocent people of different nationalities were killed in these senseless terrorist attacks and dozens more were injured.
Despite our limited resources and capabilities, our government immediately responded to help the victims and quickly took all the necessary measures to thwart any further attempts to destabilize our peace and stability.
Clearly, the timing of these violent terrorist acts indicates that they were launched in order to disrupt and derail our National Voter Registration Process, a key democratic milestone achievement for our country. But the government and people of Somaliland are determined not to allow the actions of these terrorist thugs to defeat our infant democracy and stop our desire and aspiration for peace and stability.
The tremendous outpouring of sympathy and solidarity from members of the International Community including UK the Government, our moment of national tragedy heartened our government and people. For this, Somaliland is deeply grateful. Indeed, our pain and tragedy is similar to the one inflicted upon the innocent citizens of Washington DC, New York City, London, Madrid, Bali and many other cities that fell victim to the violence perpetrated by the same violent extremists.
It is, therefore, the conviction of My Government that the threat of International Terrorism should be addressed with full participation of all peace loving nations through effective international, regional and sub-regional cooperation. Taking into account compacting terrorism that the fight against terrorism takes place within the framework of respect for all the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, our government specifically appeals for the help and cooperation of the International Community.
Somaliland has fought piracy in its waters. There has not been one single piracy case in the territorial waters of Somaliland. In fact, we have caught pirates at least three times in Somaliland and tried them in our courts. They were sentenced them up to 20 Years.
Now, we have finalized successfully, the Voter Registration in all six regions of The Republic of Somaliland, thanks to the International Community, Donor countries including Great Britain for their significant financial, material and moral support to the democratization process in our country.
We planned to hold our second round of Presidential Elections on March 29th. However, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has recently announced that the elections would not be held as planned due to technical related matters.
In that regard, and after series of consultations with the political parties, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) announced a delay of 91 days, which starts on the 2nd March, 2009, in other words elections will take place on May 31st of this Year.
As I stated earlier, my Government has successfully held series of expensive and exhausting elections with fair and transparent results in the past.
Today, My Government expresses its full commitment in holding free and fair elections on the announced date, once again. Additionally, I assure the continuation of successful nation building process of the Republic of Somaliland.
Finally, I earnestly request from this distinguished audience to support the jut cause of Somaliland. With that note Ladies and Gentlemen, I sincerely thank all of you for your attendance and patience.
May God Bless you all.
Somaliland President’s Speech at Chatham House
Sat, Mar 7, 2009
Somaliland Press
Mr. Chairperson;Distinguished Guests;Ladies and Gentleman;
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you, for inviting me to Chatham House. I am extremely delighted to be here with you this afternoon, to speak about the issue of Recognition of Somaliland among others.
I would like to emphasis the success story of Somaliland which by and large the international community failed to recognize. A success story that is basically considered us a miracle achievement attained by Somalilanders, without tangible assistance.
Over the years our administration has taken series of steps towards a nation building process from 1991. This process was long and painstaking one, it constituted reconciliation, demobilization and Institutional processes through homegrown bottom up approach. Which by and large became a Model for nation building.
It all started with an SNM (Somali National Movement) sponsored Conference held in Burao in May, 1991(Widely known as Burao National Conference), which set the stage for a new beginning – the restoration of Somaliland’s statehood in 1960. Then followed a National Conference in Borama in 1993, which was the corner stone of an elected President and Vice President the adoption of a National Charter with a two-chamber parliament through Electoral College. A model labeled as “Africa’s Best Kept Secret” by Prof. Iqbal Jhazbay of South Africa. It is worth noting during that process that there were hiccups and pitfalls that slowed down the process, such as the conflict of 1995 to late 1996 that took place amongst our selves, which costed both human lives and other resources. Somaliland overcame this conflict through reconciliation. That was a learning experience. Once again in 1997 an electoral college was assembled in Hargeisa, whereby a President (Late President Egal) and myself as Vice President where elected.
In Addition, a national constitution was adopted and was put for a national referendum in 2001 with 97 % percent of approval. International observers described the process as free, fair and consistent with international norms for referenda and elections. In the meantime, back to back election were held, i.e. Local Government, presidential, and Parliamentary elections which were characterized by the International Community as fair and transparent. It is worth noting once again, that the aforementioned process was extremely challenging and terribly costly.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to note, that our Late President, Mr. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, (My God bless his soul) has passed away on May 2002 in South Africa. At the time, the term of his office was to expire within nine Months. Soon after the death of late President, I was sworn in as the new President of the Republic of Somaliland, according to the constitution of the Republic which states that the vice President takes the seat of the President. This was the smoothest transition that I can thing of, after the nine (9) Months we held the first Local Government, Presidential and Parliamentary elections successfully. During my tenure, my administration made possible all of these back to back elections with transparency and fairness.
All alone, Somaliland has contributed immensely to the regional security, Democratization process and a regional geopolitical stability. Today Somaliland enjoys fantastic relationship with its neighbours.
Somaliland attained its independence from Great Britain 1960. As a result 35 Countries recognized Somaliland’s statehood; these included Egypt, Ghana and Libya among others.
As you are fully aware of the definition of a STATE is that it should have:
1. A permanent population;
2. A defined territory;
3. A functioning Government;
4. A capacity to enter into relations with other states.
My country fulfils all the above and thus qualifies for statehood.Allow me to say something about our views towards Somalia. There are those who believe that the recognition issue of Somaliland may adversely affect or undermine the reconciliation efforts underway. I would argue that the opposite is true. If Somaliland is recognized, those in Somalia would concentrate and spend all their energies in finding a solution to their conflict, if Somaliland issue is taken out of the equation. In addition, we believe that a sovereign and recognized Somaliland could play a positive role in the reconciliation of Somalia.
Having seen the tremendous strides Somaliland has made despite enormous odds, in the past 18 years, the world community padded Somalilanders on the back, and told us time and again that we are on the right track, and that we should continue on this course. The people of Somaliland have decided in their 2001 referendum to affirm their sovereignty thus challenging the world community as to how long to stay on the course without recognition? It is about high time that the international community gives serious attention to the achievements and the success story of Somaliland.If East-Timor, Eritrea, Serbia, Georgia, Kosovo to name a few were recognized as sovereign nations, in the last 18 years, why not Somaliland. The fact, the matter is that Somaliland is more populated than approximately 63 sovereign countries including Luxemburg, the republic of Congo and Jamaica. Somaliland is also larger in area than 85 sovereign nations, including Belgium, Jordan, and El-Salvador.
Somaliland has built a society founded on peace, democracy, justice and the rule of law. Our commitment to the peace and stability of the region included unreserved respect for the unity and territorial integrity of all our neighboring states; expecting a reciprocal treatment from its neighbors.
Somaliland neither stands for secession, nor for the revision of Africa’s borders. The people of Somaliland have made their choice loud and clear, independence is an inalienable right.
Today, our economy and livelihood by and large depends entirely on the livestock sector, a sector that is subject to extreme fluctuations depending on the domestic weather conditions and external market situations, two vital variables not under our control. We are working hard to diversify the economy, by exploiting our vast untapped resources, like oil and gas, precious stones and the vast sea resources over the coming years. We have already taken steps in that direction, we will open the 15th of March the first bid round for hydrocarbon concession, the bid round will include eight concession blocks comprised of more than 89,624 square Kilometers of onshore and offshore, but our efforts are being hamstrung by the refusal of the international community to invest in our country or deal with us bilaterally.
The Lack of de jure Recognition hinders the development of Somaliland in terms of foreign investment, infrastructure and the delivery of meaningful social services, in that respect Somaliland earnestly, requests from member states of International Organizations to recognize Somaliland. Justice delayed is Justice denied.
Such a recognition will in no doubt allow the European Union, World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations, and the international community in general, to deal with Somaliland on a bilateral basis and engage with us in the developmental programmes that Somaliland has been wrongfully denied over the years.
Understandably, there is an alarm here in London and elsewhere and around the world about the issue of failed states in these troubling times, and a desire to limit any dangers they might pose to our collective security.
Trust me, we know all about failed states. Somaliland is not a failed state, but rather, a capable, responsible and democratic state. However, we share the same fears with you about failed states, and the threat they could pose to us all.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Likewise, the well-being and the success of other nations can equally have a profound positive effect on all of us. The reality on the ground today is, in our global village, what is good for one country is good for the other. The surest and the most effective way of fighting terrorism is not by trying to cure the symptom of the disease but the root cause of the malady by eradicating poverty, which manifests itself in misery and frustration. It is easy to assume that a neglected poverty-ridden society will be a congenial breeding ground for terrorists. The rich and the poor countries must have a common agreement to fight and cooperate in the interest of all mankind to eliminate poverty at the global level. Fighting human misery and degradation of human life must be a common concern for everybody, if we aspire a more peaceful life in this fast shrinking world of ours.In the past Somaliland has been a victim of terrorism on numerous occasions. Most recently, on October .29th Last Year, International Terrorism struck the heart and the soul of Somaliland. Using at least three suicide car bombs, violent extremists attacked our innocent citizens, the symbols of our democracy, the United Nations offices and the Ethiopian mission in Hargeisa the Capital City of Somaliland. More than twenty innocent people of different nationalities were killed in these senseless terrorist attacks and dozens more were injured.
Despite our limited resources and capabilities, our government immediately responded to help the victims and quickly took all the necessary measures to thwart any further attempts to destabilize our peace and stability.
Clearly, the timing of these violent terrorist acts indicates that they were launched in order to disrupt and derail our National Voter Registration Process, a key democratic milestone achievement for our country. But the government and people of Somaliland are determined not to allow the actions of these terrorist thugs to defeat our infant democracy and stop our desire and aspiration for peace and stability.
The tremendous outpouring of sympathy and solidarity from members of the International Community including UK the Government, our moment of national tragedy heartened our government and people. For this, Somaliland is deeply grateful. Indeed, our pain and tragedy is similar to the one inflicted upon the innocent citizens of Washington DC, New York City, London, Madrid, Bali and many other cities that fell victim to the violence perpetrated by the same violent extremists.
It is, therefore, the conviction of My Government that the threat of International Terrorism should be addressed with full participation of all peace loving nations through effective international, regional and sub-regional cooperation. Taking into account compacting terrorism that the fight against terrorism takes place within the framework of respect for all the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, our government specifically appeals for the help and cooperation of the International Community.
Somaliland has fought piracy in its waters. There has not been one single piracy case in the territorial waters of Somaliland. In fact, we have caught pirates at least three times in Somaliland and tried them in our courts. They were sentenced them up to 20 Years.
Now, we have finalized successfully, the Voter Registration in all six regions of The Republic of Somaliland, thanks to the International Community, Donor countries including Great Britain for their significant financial, material and moral support to the democratization process in our country.
We planned to hold our second round of Presidential Elections on March 29th. However, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has recently announced that the elections would not be held as planned due to technical related matters.
In that regard, and after series of consultations with the political parties, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) announced a delay of 91 days, which starts on the 2nd March, 2009, in other words elections will take place on May 31st of this Year.
As I stated earlier, my Government has successfully held series of expensive and exhausting elections with fair and transparent results in the past.
Today, My Government expresses its full commitment in holding free and fair elections on the announced date, once again. Additionally, I assure the continuation of successful nation building process of the Republic of Somaliland.
Finally, I earnestly request from this distinguished audience to support the jut cause of Somaliland. With that note Ladies and Gentlemen, I sincerely thank all of you for your attendance and patience.
May God Bless you all.
IDPs returning to "risky" Mogadishu
Medeshi
IDPs returning to "risky" Mogadishu
NAIROBI, 5 March 2009 (IRIN) - Hawa Salad Halane and her two children are among the families returning to Heliwa district of north Mogadishu after 18 months in an overcrowded camp on the outskirts of the capital.
"We came back five days ago but found most of our homes destroyed by shells; everything is either destroyed or looted," Halane told IRIN on 4 March.
Thousands of Mogadishu residents such as Halane opted to return following the withdrawal, in late January, of Ethiopian troops after two years supporting the Transitional Federal Government.
Halane said many of the returnees were using plastic sheeting "and anything else we can find" for roofing after the iron sheets on their homes were looted.
"This will do for now but if it rains I don’t know what we will do," she said. "It is not what I expected but it is better than what I left behind [the IDP camp]."
Halane said some of her neighbours did not even have walls on their homes. "We are one of the lucky ones."
She said she hoped the new government, installed in February after the resignation of former President Abdullahi Yusuf, would come to their aid.
"We have nothing to rebuild with. Without my husband I don’t even know how I will feed my children.”
During her displacement, Halane lost touch with her husband. "We have not seen him for seven months. I don’t even know whether he is alive or dead."
She said she was still hanging on to a makeshift shelter in the camp as insurance. "I don’t know if things will settle, so I asked my neighbours in the camp to keep my place for me in case," she said.
Heliwa district was one of the areas in the city that experienced most fighting.
Although Halane's family and others have begun returning, many others remain in camps, said Ahmed Dini of Peaceline, a civil society group in Mogadishu.
"There are returns but I would describe it as a trickle, not a flood yet," Dini said.
He said most of the returnees were coming back to a risky situation, with little or no services.
"They have no health facilities or schools and on top of that there is no help to assist them restart their lives," he said. "Most homes are either partially or totally destroyed."
He added that many of the families could not afford to rebuild. "We may have to set up [IDP] camps inside their compounds."
Malnourished children
Dini said his organisation, which monitors children, had noticed many of the returning youngsters were malnourished.
Moreover, he said, many neighbourhoods were infested with mines and other unexploded ordnances, "posing the greatest danger to children".
Another civil society source told IRIN the returns were driven by the difficulties in the camps. He warned, however, that they were taking a "great risk. We have a new government but Mogadishu is still a very dangerous place and fighting could resume at any time."
The UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, estimates that at least 40,000 displaced Somalis have returned to Mogadishu. At least 1.3 million Somalis are displaced within the country, according to UNHCR.
"We came back five days ago but found most of our homes destroyed by shells; everything is either destroyed or looted," Halane told IRIN on 4 March.
Thousands of Mogadishu residents such as Halane opted to return following the withdrawal, in late January, of Ethiopian troops after two years supporting the Transitional Federal Government.
Halane said many of the returnees were using plastic sheeting "and anything else we can find" for roofing after the iron sheets on their homes were looted.
"This will do for now but if it rains I don’t know what we will do," she said. "It is not what I expected but it is better than what I left behind [the IDP camp]."
Halane said some of her neighbours did not even have walls on their homes. "We are one of the lucky ones."
She said she hoped the new government, installed in February after the resignation of former President Abdullahi Yusuf, would come to their aid.
"We have nothing to rebuild with. Without my husband I don’t even know how I will feed my children.”
During her displacement, Halane lost touch with her husband. "We have not seen him for seven months. I don’t even know whether he is alive or dead."
She said she was still hanging on to a makeshift shelter in the camp as insurance. "I don’t know if things will settle, so I asked my neighbours in the camp to keep my place for me in case," she said.
Heliwa district was one of the areas in the city that experienced most fighting.
Although Halane's family and others have begun returning, many others remain in camps, said Ahmed Dini of Peaceline, a civil society group in Mogadishu.
"There are returns but I would describe it as a trickle, not a flood yet," Dini said.
He said most of the returnees were coming back to a risky situation, with little or no services.
"They have no health facilities or schools and on top of that there is no help to assist them restart their lives," he said. "Most homes are either partially or totally destroyed."
He added that many of the families could not afford to rebuild. "We may have to set up [IDP] camps inside their compounds."
Malnourished children
Dini said his organisation, which monitors children, had noticed many of the returning youngsters were malnourished.
Moreover, he said, many neighbourhoods were infested with mines and other unexploded ordnances, "posing the greatest danger to children".
Another civil society source told IRIN the returns were driven by the difficulties in the camps. He warned, however, that they were taking a "great risk. We have a new government but Mogadishu is still a very dangerous place and fighting could resume at any time."
The UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, estimates that at least 40,000 displaced Somalis have returned to Mogadishu. At least 1.3 million Somalis are displaced within the country, according to UNHCR.
Pirates: Nation builders
Medeshi March 5 , 2009
Pirates: Nation builders
By Kevin Potvin
It certainly was the case for Americay
http://www.republic-news.org/archive/208-repub/208_potvin_pirates.html
It returns with the same anachronistic shock as tuberculosis and leprosy. High-seas piracy is raging again, at least in the region off Somalia.
It hardly seems possible in the 21st Century, what with global positioning systems, satellite communications and the projection of state power through aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines, that men armed with knives and handguns bouncing over waves in whining open outboards can take over oil supertankers. But that’s exactly what has been happening in shipping lanes between the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, the Suez Canal and throughout the Indian Ocean. Pirates remain in control today of one of those from the largest class of ships ever to float, holding onto it now for months for a big ransom.
It’s not the only attack. Smaller cargo ships and oil carriers have been pirated with alarming regularity in this region. Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper has noticed. A sizable portion of the Canadian navy has recently been diverted from war support duties off Iraq and Afghanistan to the seas leading into and around the east coast of Africa to combat and suppress the scourge said to be more menacing than war itself.
A special UN committee has been struck to engineer new, widespread international cooperation to squelch the illegality that is a threat to all nations, friends and foe. Pirates are bad, everybody knows it. But history is irony’s attic trunk, and sure enough, there is a gem of irony in the reappearance of piracy off Africa, after a very lengthy hiatus. Specifically, the irony is found in exactly where piracy is reappearing, who is doing it, and to whom it is being done.
Three hundred years ago (come on, a mere blink of an eye!), pirates sailing out of safe harbours in lawless lands attacked and robbed with impunity state-flagged vessels of modern nations carrying the goods and money necessary to the smooth functioning of international commerce and tourism. Only in this case, they were pirates who called New York home, and it was Muslim cargo and passenger ships in and around the Red Sea that were mercilessly attacked, their crews hacked to pieces, their passengers raped, murdered and enslaved, and their merchant goods and gold stolen—to be auctioned at pennies to the dollar on wharfs in the harbours of New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia and other North American seaboard colonies.
Nobody in nascent America much minded, either. The victims were only heathens, usually well-heeled tourists on their way to and from Mecca for the Haj pilgrimage.
Popular movies and books have created the popular impression that the hey-day of piracy took place in the Caribbean and was run by outlaws unwelcome in the civilized world. The truth is quite different, according to the foremost expert on historical piracy, Douglass R Burgess Jr, in his 2008 book, The Pirates’ Pact: The secret alliances between history’s most notorious buccaneers and colonial America.
Caribbean piracy was nothing compared to what was going on in and around the Red Sea. The Muslim nations in the 17th Century were by far richer than anything European or in the growing European colonial occupations around the world. The Red Sea contained far more floating prizes to steal among the more advanced and more highly developed Muslim countries than anything to be found between newly emergent European countries and their barely functioning colonial enterprises. Most of these colonies were anyway established merely as land-piracy operations themselves, interested only in ripping out raw resources and gold for shipping back home, with piratical murder and mayhem brought to anyone who stood in the way.
We also have come to believe pirates then and now are outlaws. This would also be wrong. The most avaricious, and vicious, pirates not only operated in the full knowledge of British-appointed governors and the elite of the new business world in the American colonies, they operated with direct state and business sponsorship, support, and collusion.
Burgess makes clear in his book that the actual highwater mark for piracy—that which flowed out of American east coast cities like New York and attacked international shipping in the Red Sea—was integral to the growth and establishment of those ports as the teeming successful and wealthy cities they are today. Piracy in the years 1680 to 1720 or thereabouts was so openly encouraged and financed by leaders in the business and political world of the American north east that it would be accurate to say that in their early decades, at least, they were largely pirate economies, living and growing off the delivery, sale, and distribution of pirate booty. Pirates then and there were not outlaws at all. They were married to governor’s daughters, dined with the elites of commerce, strolled about dressed as dandies in the open daylight in streets of New York and Philadelphia and were entirely integrated into the high circles of social community in these cities.
Piracy, so long as it was aimed mostly (but not always) away from one’s own sea-borne trade, was not only legitimate in nascent America, it was honourable. Pirates of the Atlantic coast were not the swashbuckling swarthy outlaws of the popular imagination. They were top-hot wearing, socially well-connected elites themselves, entirely welcome in the high-end clubs and mansions just as any other well-bred, well-mannered (when ashore, at least) and successful businessman was, which is what, through anyone’s eyes at the time—at least in America—they were.
Burgess argues that American piracy, far from being a scourge to trade and a cost to the economy, brought the budding nation its first flexing of independence from mother Britain, not to mention its wide variety of goods and supplies from around the world, large stores of gold, and a self-sustaining (if constant theft can be self-sustaining) economy no longer dependent on Britain. America would not so soon have struck out for independence and would never have created its own economy, nor its own wealth and its own naval power, were it not for the piracy that was part and parcel of the founding of the American nation. (Apparently, the best crews for pirate ships were found in Newfoundland and other colonies that later became Canada. Lots of things never change.)
For blustering American bombastics now to condemn piracy off Somalia as destructive to all good people’s interests, and to label it evidence of failed states in the region, as press commentators in Canada have, is to deny America’s own founding and rise to power. It takes some kind of organizational ability to operate piracy. There are trained crews to recruit, navigational abilities to develop and far-reaching intelligence reporting to nurture, and then of course there is the hard part, disposing of the stolen cargo. That part requires a wide network of land-side collusion and systems of mutual obligation and reciprocity among elites in all communities throughout a pirating region, not to mention countless customs and import inspection officials, money-handling infrastructures, and distribution and land-side shipping services. For from being indicative of failed states, the arrival of piracy on the African east coast, regrettable though it is to Volvo-and-farmers’-market sensitivities, is indicative of a solid nation taking shape, much as piracy built the foundations for the modern successful American nation.
What is, after all, being pirated? Cargos of oil taken from fellow Muslim nations at piratical-like terms and destined, otherwise, to be sold largely on wharfs in America to the enrichment of elites living in those harbour cities, New York prime among them. If a Muslim war ship caught notorious American pirate Captain Henry Every and seized his Red Sea-stolen cargo of silks, gems and gold, would that also be piracy, or would it rather be the imposition of law and order? If the pirate ship was an oil supertanker and the vessels of law and order were small whining outboards, are we that easily led astray by appearances to get the picture completely backward? Or are we that transparently partisan as to settle for the outraged indignant claims of our own pirates, they being from among us, and not from among them others?
As Edward Randolph, emissary from London, sent to the colonies in 1698 to investigate piracy, said of his colleague, Lord Bellomont, busy trying to arrest the governors and pirates making a mess of English commercial monopolies, “Lord Bellemont has highly displeased the trading men of New York.” The “trading men of New York” have since fixed the source of their displeasure (through a war for independence). They might not look like pirates anymore today—but then, they never did.
Pirates: Nation builders
By Kevin Potvin
It certainly was the case for Americay
http://www.republic-news.org/archive/208-repub/208_potvin_pirates.html
It returns with the same anachronistic shock as tuberculosis and leprosy. High-seas piracy is raging again, at least in the region off Somalia.
It hardly seems possible in the 21st Century, what with global positioning systems, satellite communications and the projection of state power through aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines, that men armed with knives and handguns bouncing over waves in whining open outboards can take over oil supertankers. But that’s exactly what has been happening in shipping lanes between the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, the Suez Canal and throughout the Indian Ocean. Pirates remain in control today of one of those from the largest class of ships ever to float, holding onto it now for months for a big ransom.
It’s not the only attack. Smaller cargo ships and oil carriers have been pirated with alarming regularity in this region. Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper has noticed. A sizable portion of the Canadian navy has recently been diverted from war support duties off Iraq and Afghanistan to the seas leading into and around the east coast of Africa to combat and suppress the scourge said to be more menacing than war itself.
A special UN committee has been struck to engineer new, widespread international cooperation to squelch the illegality that is a threat to all nations, friends and foe. Pirates are bad, everybody knows it. But history is irony’s attic trunk, and sure enough, there is a gem of irony in the reappearance of piracy off Africa, after a very lengthy hiatus. Specifically, the irony is found in exactly where piracy is reappearing, who is doing it, and to whom it is being done.
Three hundred years ago (come on, a mere blink of an eye!), pirates sailing out of safe harbours in lawless lands attacked and robbed with impunity state-flagged vessels of modern nations carrying the goods and money necessary to the smooth functioning of international commerce and tourism. Only in this case, they were pirates who called New York home, and it was Muslim cargo and passenger ships in and around the Red Sea that were mercilessly attacked, their crews hacked to pieces, their passengers raped, murdered and enslaved, and their merchant goods and gold stolen—to be auctioned at pennies to the dollar on wharfs in the harbours of New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia and other North American seaboard colonies.
Nobody in nascent America much minded, either. The victims were only heathens, usually well-heeled tourists on their way to and from Mecca for the Haj pilgrimage.
Popular movies and books have created the popular impression that the hey-day of piracy took place in the Caribbean and was run by outlaws unwelcome in the civilized world. The truth is quite different, according to the foremost expert on historical piracy, Douglass R Burgess Jr, in his 2008 book, The Pirates’ Pact: The secret alliances between history’s most notorious buccaneers and colonial America.
Caribbean piracy was nothing compared to what was going on in and around the Red Sea. The Muslim nations in the 17th Century were by far richer than anything European or in the growing European colonial occupations around the world. The Red Sea contained far more floating prizes to steal among the more advanced and more highly developed Muslim countries than anything to be found between newly emergent European countries and their barely functioning colonial enterprises. Most of these colonies were anyway established merely as land-piracy operations themselves, interested only in ripping out raw resources and gold for shipping back home, with piratical murder and mayhem brought to anyone who stood in the way.
We also have come to believe pirates then and now are outlaws. This would also be wrong. The most avaricious, and vicious, pirates not only operated in the full knowledge of British-appointed governors and the elite of the new business world in the American colonies, they operated with direct state and business sponsorship, support, and collusion.
Burgess makes clear in his book that the actual highwater mark for piracy—that which flowed out of American east coast cities like New York and attacked international shipping in the Red Sea—was integral to the growth and establishment of those ports as the teeming successful and wealthy cities they are today. Piracy in the years 1680 to 1720 or thereabouts was so openly encouraged and financed by leaders in the business and political world of the American north east that it would be accurate to say that in their early decades, at least, they were largely pirate economies, living and growing off the delivery, sale, and distribution of pirate booty. Pirates then and there were not outlaws at all. They were married to governor’s daughters, dined with the elites of commerce, strolled about dressed as dandies in the open daylight in streets of New York and Philadelphia and were entirely integrated into the high circles of social community in these cities.
Piracy, so long as it was aimed mostly (but not always) away from one’s own sea-borne trade, was not only legitimate in nascent America, it was honourable. Pirates of the Atlantic coast were not the swashbuckling swarthy outlaws of the popular imagination. They were top-hot wearing, socially well-connected elites themselves, entirely welcome in the high-end clubs and mansions just as any other well-bred, well-mannered (when ashore, at least) and successful businessman was, which is what, through anyone’s eyes at the time—at least in America—they were.
Burgess argues that American piracy, far from being a scourge to trade and a cost to the economy, brought the budding nation its first flexing of independence from mother Britain, not to mention its wide variety of goods and supplies from around the world, large stores of gold, and a self-sustaining (if constant theft can be self-sustaining) economy no longer dependent on Britain. America would not so soon have struck out for independence and would never have created its own economy, nor its own wealth and its own naval power, were it not for the piracy that was part and parcel of the founding of the American nation. (Apparently, the best crews for pirate ships were found in Newfoundland and other colonies that later became Canada. Lots of things never change.)
For blustering American bombastics now to condemn piracy off Somalia as destructive to all good people’s interests, and to label it evidence of failed states in the region, as press commentators in Canada have, is to deny America’s own founding and rise to power. It takes some kind of organizational ability to operate piracy. There are trained crews to recruit, navigational abilities to develop and far-reaching intelligence reporting to nurture, and then of course there is the hard part, disposing of the stolen cargo. That part requires a wide network of land-side collusion and systems of mutual obligation and reciprocity among elites in all communities throughout a pirating region, not to mention countless customs and import inspection officials, money-handling infrastructures, and distribution and land-side shipping services. For from being indicative of failed states, the arrival of piracy on the African east coast, regrettable though it is to Volvo-and-farmers’-market sensitivities, is indicative of a solid nation taking shape, much as piracy built the foundations for the modern successful American nation.
What is, after all, being pirated? Cargos of oil taken from fellow Muslim nations at piratical-like terms and destined, otherwise, to be sold largely on wharfs in America to the enrichment of elites living in those harbour cities, New York prime among them. If a Muslim war ship caught notorious American pirate Captain Henry Every and seized his Red Sea-stolen cargo of silks, gems and gold, would that also be piracy, or would it rather be the imposition of law and order? If the pirate ship was an oil supertanker and the vessels of law and order were small whining outboards, are we that easily led astray by appearances to get the picture completely backward? Or are we that transparently partisan as to settle for the outraged indignant claims of our own pirates, they being from among us, and not from among them others?
As Edward Randolph, emissary from London, sent to the colonies in 1698 to investigate piracy, said of his colleague, Lord Bellomont, busy trying to arrest the governors and pirates making a mess of English commercial monopolies, “Lord Bellemont has highly displeased the trading men of New York.” The “trading men of New York” have since fixed the source of their displeasure (through a war for independence). They might not look like pirates anymore today—but then, they never did.
Outcry against arrest move from Arab, African countries, Russia, China
Medeshi
Outcry against arrest move from Arab, African countries, Russia, China
Thursday 5 March
March 4, 2009 (ADDIS ABABA) -– Arab ministers opposed to the ICC arrest move against President Al-Bashir began meeting in Cairo shortly after the announcement while African Union Chairman Jean Ping also expressed deep concern over the decision made.
The Egyptian foreign minister called on the UN Security Council to "hold an urgent and emergency meeting" to defer the warrant against President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir. In Cairo also the Arab League, which is "deeply concerned" by the arrest warrant, said a high level delegation would be sent to New York for this purpose.
The Arab ministers held a meeting today, hours after the ICC made the decision, on the sidelines of a joint Arab-Southern American foreign ministers’ conference which was in session here at the AL headquarters.
Likewise, AU Chairman Ping underlined that the search for justice should be pursued in a way that would not impede or jeopardize peace.
Last summer, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union at its 142nd meeting requested that the UN Security Council invoke Article 16 of the Rome statute to defer the process initiated by ICC. The recommendation has never been brought to a vote and several permanent members of the Security Council threatened to veto the move.
The application for Al-Bashir’s arrest has prompted the executive council of the AU to schedule a discussion Thursday on the matter.
Ugandan officials declined to comment to comment on the matter, the Daily Monitor reported, but indicated that they would take the position chosen by the AU Peace and Security Council.
Earlier this week, Libya urged other African countries to remove themselves from the court’s jurisdiction. “Thirty-seven African nations that have ratified the Rome Statute will un-sign the treaty if it issues an arrest warrant for Sudanese president” Libya’s state minister for African affairs Abdul Salam Al-Tereyki told reporters in Khartoum on Monday.
Other African countries indicated disdain for the court ruling: Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade commented at a press conference that he is “disturbed to see that the International Criminal Court only judges Africans.”
The two global powers Russia and China also voiced opposition to the ICC decision. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s envoy for Sudan immediately criticized the decision.
"The untimely decision of the International Criminal Court creates a dangerous precedent in the system of international relations and could have a negative effect both on the situation inside Sudan and on the general regional situation," said Mikhail Margelov.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said "China expresses regret and worry about the International Criminal Court’s issuing of an arrest warrant against the Sudanese President," according to the official Xinhua news agency.
But Gang did not say that China is interested in pushing for an Article 16 suspension of the case; the Darfur issue was discussed last month in China between US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Chinese leaders.
(ST)
Outcry against arrest move from Arab, African countries, Russia, China
Thursday 5 March
March 4, 2009 (ADDIS ABABA) -– Arab ministers opposed to the ICC arrest move against President Al-Bashir began meeting in Cairo shortly after the announcement while African Union Chairman Jean Ping also expressed deep concern over the decision made.
The Egyptian foreign minister called on the UN Security Council to "hold an urgent and emergency meeting" to defer the warrant against President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir. In Cairo also the Arab League, which is "deeply concerned" by the arrest warrant, said a high level delegation would be sent to New York for this purpose.
The Arab ministers held a meeting today, hours after the ICC made the decision, on the sidelines of a joint Arab-Southern American foreign ministers’ conference which was in session here at the AL headquarters.
Likewise, AU Chairman Ping underlined that the search for justice should be pursued in a way that would not impede or jeopardize peace.
Last summer, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union at its 142nd meeting requested that the UN Security Council invoke Article 16 of the Rome statute to defer the process initiated by ICC. The recommendation has never been brought to a vote and several permanent members of the Security Council threatened to veto the move.
The application for Al-Bashir’s arrest has prompted the executive council of the AU to schedule a discussion Thursday on the matter.
Ugandan officials declined to comment to comment on the matter, the Daily Monitor reported, but indicated that they would take the position chosen by the AU Peace and Security Council.
Earlier this week, Libya urged other African countries to remove themselves from the court’s jurisdiction. “Thirty-seven African nations that have ratified the Rome Statute will un-sign the treaty if it issues an arrest warrant for Sudanese president” Libya’s state minister for African affairs Abdul Salam Al-Tereyki told reporters in Khartoum on Monday.
Other African countries indicated disdain for the court ruling: Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade commented at a press conference that he is “disturbed to see that the International Criminal Court only judges Africans.”
The two global powers Russia and China also voiced opposition to the ICC decision. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s envoy for Sudan immediately criticized the decision.
"The untimely decision of the International Criminal Court creates a dangerous precedent in the system of international relations and could have a negative effect both on the situation inside Sudan and on the general regional situation," said Mikhail Margelov.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said "China expresses regret and worry about the International Criminal Court’s issuing of an arrest warrant against the Sudanese President," according to the official Xinhua news agency.
But Gang did not say that China is interested in pushing for an Article 16 suspension of the case; the Darfur issue was discussed last month in China between US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Chinese leaders.
(ST)
Fate, destiny and the last dance of Sudan’s President
Medeshi
Fate, destiny and the last dance of Sudan’s President
Thursday 5 March
By Mohamed Hassan Bashir
March 4, 2009 — Ironical as it may seem, the original candidate to lead 1989’s coup d’état was another Brigadier named Osman Ahmed Al Hassan, because he was the leader of the Islamist group in the Sudan Armed Forces at the time. However, he was hastily replaced just a few days before the coup, because Osman wanted the army to have complete control over political power in the country. Nevertheless the civilian plotters had second thoughts and they selected Omer Hassan al Bashir, considering him an easygoing officer who could be effortlessly controlled and manipulated. Al Turabi used to say, “Al Bashir is a gift from God to us”.
In ancient Aztec tradition the most handsome of the prisoners captured on the battlefield would be made king. Protected by guards and dressed in robes, his every need was satisfied for a whole year. Then the king was lead to the top of the temple pyramid. Here, stripped naked, he was stretched out on an altar, his torso was sliced open and his heart torn out and offered to the gods. This ritual celebrated the return of spring. These Aztec rituals now haunt the unfortunate second choice of the 1989 coup because little did he know that he would now be experiencing the pain that once was felt at the top of the temple pyramid. Following the ICC indictment, his soul has been sliced open for the entire world to see. In the Aztec case the King lost his life, in Sudan’s case the leader has lost his soul and dignity.
DESTINY
The unknown 45-year-old coup leader delivered his first statement in 1989 to the Sudanese people and said: "the coup was to save the country from rotten political parties. Your armed forces have come to carry out a tremendous revolution for the sake of change after suffering that has included the deterioration of everything to the extent that your lives have become paralyzed". The coup was also aimed at preventing the signing of a peace treaty with John Garang’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) in July 1989. As a result the country paid a heavy price, a million died and more millions were displaced and uprooted. Suffering had arrived in Sudan.
Omer Hassan Al Bashir was born in January 1st 1944, in Hosh Banga, a small village on the banks of the river Nile located 80kms north of Khartoum. He went to primary school in Shandi, a nearby town, and then moved with his family to Khartoum and enrolled in a secondary school there. His father was a dairy farm worker in Kafori, north of Khartoum. Hassan al Bashir struggled to feed his large family of eight boys and four girls, but working hard in his early days in Khartoum he eventually succeeded in educating his kids. His father was regarded as a follower of the Khatmiyya sect and a committed supporter of the Democratic Unionist party. However Omer seems to have chosen a radically different path from his father’s and he joined the Muslim Brothers organization at an early age, as did many of his siblings. Young Omer also seems to have been fascinated by the military and after graduating from secondary school he joined the Sudan Military Academy and graduated in 1967.
For a period he lead an uneventful life like most of his follow citizens, and progressed normally in different military posts, including military attaché in the United Arab Emirates (1975–79), garrison commander (1979–81) and head of the armored parachute brigade in Khartoum (1981–87). In 1987 he was appointed as a commander of the 8th brigade in South Kordofan. But his fate was changed forever in late June 1989 when he was chosen to lead an Islamist backed military coup, since then his life would never be the same.
In the 1990s he submitted to the role of merely a token head of state, while his mentor Al Turabi was the real force behind the throne. But in the late 1990s he finally got fed up with the role of a front man. He wanted to lead and he has severed his ties with Al Turabi since then. To his credit, he has yet to develop the typical megalomaniac characteristics of his predecessor Gaafar Nimeiry, and other regional dictators. He does lack a natural leadership charisma, although he is described by his associates as an affable, humorous and laid-back kind of person, a “true Sudanese”. Sometimes he can get very emotional, in his recent visit to the River Nile state a local woman offered him her child, the childless president lost control of his emotions and cried openly.
THE DANCE
According to his press secretary Al Bashir has an unforgiving and short temper. In many public rallies he has frequently managed to embarrass his aids with unscripted outbursts. As a reaction to the ICC in a rally last month in the state of Sennar-South Eastern Sudan, he said, “I swear to god I will not surrender even a single cat from Sudan”. Regarding the court ruling he said, “They can soak it in water and drink it”. After each rally Al Bashir performs a customary dance, one of his favorite songs is a traditional Sudanese one whose lyrics go something like this: “They entered [the battlefield] and the vultures fly [over the enemy’s dead bodies]”. The words try to describe the horrible death of the enemy and how their bodies are left for the vultures to rip to pieces. The song conjures up a disturbing image, and if you have just been accused of war crimes and dance to such a tune, not many people will be able to distinguish between the image and the reality. There is something in the President’s recent behavior that almost makes you feel sorry for the guy. He looks like someone who has completely lost his composure. No one seems readily at hand to tell him, “Pull yourself together man!”.
From his supporters’ point of view, if you fast-forward 20 years, the accidental coup leader is now considered a national icon, a symbol of the country’s sovereignty. The future and the destiny of the nation were linked with his fate, because he rules “through God’s will”. Of course, throughout human history and across cultures, rulers, monarchs, Kings and Queens have all claimed they are somehow supernaturally ordained – that they are “chosen by God to rule”. Even in the USA a recent survey conducted in 2006 by Baylor University’s Institute for Studies of Religion in Texas, found that 19% of Americans think that, “God favours the United States’ international politics”. The Shah of Iran claimed to be the Shadow of God on Earth – he was eventually deposed by the quintessential men of God. Now Al Bashir has become God’s much loved being in Sudan… if you ever wondered what blasphemy means, then such an outlandish claim is the answer.
THE OPTIONS
Now the International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for the Sudanese President for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur – many observers have identified three possibilities:
Firstly: that a state of emergency may be declared; the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) and the UN/African Union Hybrid Forces (UNAMID) may be expelled from Sudan; independent civil society organizations may be harassed; and the elections may be postponed while the regime declares a confrontation with the international community.
Secondly: the indictment of the president will weaken his position and will make him a liability to his own party. This may open the way for his removal in a palace coup d’état.
Thirdly: “Nothing will happen on the Sudanese front”, argued the moderate Islamist Al Tayyab Zein Al Abdin in his article for Al Saahafa newspaper. He asserted that the government is far more pragmatic than people give it credit for. In his opinion the exaggerated claims that the government will react “impulsively” will not happen, anarchy will not engulf Darfur, the CPA implementation will continue. However, what will take place? “A few demonstrations here and there and it will die away in matter of days”, says Zien Al Abdien. “A normal life will return to Khartoum”.
Many in Sudan share Zein Al Abdin’s view, the government rhetoric is designed to achieve three things: (a) to appear militant in front of their local and regional followers, (b) to blackmail the international community that has invested heavily in the peace process in Sudan and, (c) to prevent the effect of the ICC ruling.
PEACE AND JUSTICE ARGUMENTS
On the international level many believe the government rhetoric; Julie Flint and Alex de Waal, warned the international community of the appalling consequences if an arrest warrant were issued against Al Bashir. Following the indictment of Slobodan Milosevic in 1999, Ian Black and Stephen Bates wrote an article in the Guardian on 28 May 1999 predicting that, “War crimes move dims peace hope”. They also argued that, “Prospects for a negotiated solution to the Yugoslav conflict were thrown into doubt last night after Slobodan Milosevic was accused of murder”. Many human rights activist also observed that, “There seems to be something approaching a universal rule that whenever a politician comes close to being charged with genocide or war crimes, someone somewhere will wring their hands and talk about the impracticality of it all, and the threat that this supposedly poses to ‘peace’”.
Many among the leaders of the NCP accept that crimes were committed in Darfur. Unfortunately, they have underestimated the seriousness of the international community’s and Darfur victims’ response to these crimes. They have made countless diplomatic blunders that ended up in the ICC. However, they are also aware of the hard realities of Sudanese and regional politics and they cannot afford to scare away the foreign investment that has been attracted to Sudan in the last five years. And they do not want to risk their own stake in the country’s wealth. In short, they simply cannot afford anarchy in Sudan, let alone encourage it. And another reality, peace and justice are neither mutually exclusive nor sequential; they are more often inter-linked and simultaneous. Above all, impunity for the guilty is not an option that the victims of Darfur are willing or can afford to accept.
IN RETROSPECT
Now the naive Brigadier of 1989 is paying a high price for his role in an adventure written and composed by others. His own former mentor, Al Turabi, now cynically supporting his arrest. In retrospect, his mother was reported to have said in shock, following the news that her own son was the leader of the military coup in 1989, “What is wrong with my son Omer? This country is a river corpse [i.e. can not be resuscitated]”. If he ever listened to her, maybe he would have had a different destiny. But, wait a minute, if you’re a gift from God then maybe there was nothing you could have done to change your fate in any case.
The author is a Sudanese based in Italy
Fate, destiny and the last dance of Sudan’s President
Thursday 5 March
By Mohamed Hassan Bashir
March 4, 2009 — Ironical as it may seem, the original candidate to lead 1989’s coup d’état was another Brigadier named Osman Ahmed Al Hassan, because he was the leader of the Islamist group in the Sudan Armed Forces at the time. However, he was hastily replaced just a few days before the coup, because Osman wanted the army to have complete control over political power in the country. Nevertheless the civilian plotters had second thoughts and they selected Omer Hassan al Bashir, considering him an easygoing officer who could be effortlessly controlled and manipulated. Al Turabi used to say, “Al Bashir is a gift from God to us”.
In ancient Aztec tradition the most handsome of the prisoners captured on the battlefield would be made king. Protected by guards and dressed in robes, his every need was satisfied for a whole year. Then the king was lead to the top of the temple pyramid. Here, stripped naked, he was stretched out on an altar, his torso was sliced open and his heart torn out and offered to the gods. This ritual celebrated the return of spring. These Aztec rituals now haunt the unfortunate second choice of the 1989 coup because little did he know that he would now be experiencing the pain that once was felt at the top of the temple pyramid. Following the ICC indictment, his soul has been sliced open for the entire world to see. In the Aztec case the King lost his life, in Sudan’s case the leader has lost his soul and dignity.
DESTINY
The unknown 45-year-old coup leader delivered his first statement in 1989 to the Sudanese people and said: "the coup was to save the country from rotten political parties. Your armed forces have come to carry out a tremendous revolution for the sake of change after suffering that has included the deterioration of everything to the extent that your lives have become paralyzed". The coup was also aimed at preventing the signing of a peace treaty with John Garang’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) in July 1989. As a result the country paid a heavy price, a million died and more millions were displaced and uprooted. Suffering had arrived in Sudan.
Omer Hassan Al Bashir was born in January 1st 1944, in Hosh Banga, a small village on the banks of the river Nile located 80kms north of Khartoum. He went to primary school in Shandi, a nearby town, and then moved with his family to Khartoum and enrolled in a secondary school there. His father was a dairy farm worker in Kafori, north of Khartoum. Hassan al Bashir struggled to feed his large family of eight boys and four girls, but working hard in his early days in Khartoum he eventually succeeded in educating his kids. His father was regarded as a follower of the Khatmiyya sect and a committed supporter of the Democratic Unionist party. However Omer seems to have chosen a radically different path from his father’s and he joined the Muslim Brothers organization at an early age, as did many of his siblings. Young Omer also seems to have been fascinated by the military and after graduating from secondary school he joined the Sudan Military Academy and graduated in 1967.
For a period he lead an uneventful life like most of his follow citizens, and progressed normally in different military posts, including military attaché in the United Arab Emirates (1975–79), garrison commander (1979–81) and head of the armored parachute brigade in Khartoum (1981–87). In 1987 he was appointed as a commander of the 8th brigade in South Kordofan. But his fate was changed forever in late June 1989 when he was chosen to lead an Islamist backed military coup, since then his life would never be the same.
In the 1990s he submitted to the role of merely a token head of state, while his mentor Al Turabi was the real force behind the throne. But in the late 1990s he finally got fed up with the role of a front man. He wanted to lead and he has severed his ties with Al Turabi since then. To his credit, he has yet to develop the typical megalomaniac characteristics of his predecessor Gaafar Nimeiry, and other regional dictators. He does lack a natural leadership charisma, although he is described by his associates as an affable, humorous and laid-back kind of person, a “true Sudanese”. Sometimes he can get very emotional, in his recent visit to the River Nile state a local woman offered him her child, the childless president lost control of his emotions and cried openly.
THE DANCE
According to his press secretary Al Bashir has an unforgiving and short temper. In many public rallies he has frequently managed to embarrass his aids with unscripted outbursts. As a reaction to the ICC in a rally last month in the state of Sennar-South Eastern Sudan, he said, “I swear to god I will not surrender even a single cat from Sudan”. Regarding the court ruling he said, “They can soak it in water and drink it”. After each rally Al Bashir performs a customary dance, one of his favorite songs is a traditional Sudanese one whose lyrics go something like this: “They entered [the battlefield] and the vultures fly [over the enemy’s dead bodies]”. The words try to describe the horrible death of the enemy and how their bodies are left for the vultures to rip to pieces. The song conjures up a disturbing image, and if you have just been accused of war crimes and dance to such a tune, not many people will be able to distinguish between the image and the reality. There is something in the President’s recent behavior that almost makes you feel sorry for the guy. He looks like someone who has completely lost his composure. No one seems readily at hand to tell him, “Pull yourself together man!”.
From his supporters’ point of view, if you fast-forward 20 years, the accidental coup leader is now considered a national icon, a symbol of the country’s sovereignty. The future and the destiny of the nation were linked with his fate, because he rules “through God’s will”. Of course, throughout human history and across cultures, rulers, monarchs, Kings and Queens have all claimed they are somehow supernaturally ordained – that they are “chosen by God to rule”. Even in the USA a recent survey conducted in 2006 by Baylor University’s Institute for Studies of Religion in Texas, found that 19% of Americans think that, “God favours the United States’ international politics”. The Shah of Iran claimed to be the Shadow of God on Earth – he was eventually deposed by the quintessential men of God. Now Al Bashir has become God’s much loved being in Sudan… if you ever wondered what blasphemy means, then such an outlandish claim is the answer.
THE OPTIONS
Now the International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for the Sudanese President for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur – many observers have identified three possibilities:
Firstly: that a state of emergency may be declared; the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) and the UN/African Union Hybrid Forces (UNAMID) may be expelled from Sudan; independent civil society organizations may be harassed; and the elections may be postponed while the regime declares a confrontation with the international community.
Secondly: the indictment of the president will weaken his position and will make him a liability to his own party. This may open the way for his removal in a palace coup d’état.
Thirdly: “Nothing will happen on the Sudanese front”, argued the moderate Islamist Al Tayyab Zein Al Abdin in his article for Al Saahafa newspaper. He asserted that the government is far more pragmatic than people give it credit for. In his opinion the exaggerated claims that the government will react “impulsively” will not happen, anarchy will not engulf Darfur, the CPA implementation will continue. However, what will take place? “A few demonstrations here and there and it will die away in matter of days”, says Zien Al Abdien. “A normal life will return to Khartoum”.
Many in Sudan share Zein Al Abdin’s view, the government rhetoric is designed to achieve three things: (a) to appear militant in front of their local and regional followers, (b) to blackmail the international community that has invested heavily in the peace process in Sudan and, (c) to prevent the effect of the ICC ruling.
PEACE AND JUSTICE ARGUMENTS
On the international level many believe the government rhetoric; Julie Flint and Alex de Waal, warned the international community of the appalling consequences if an arrest warrant were issued against Al Bashir. Following the indictment of Slobodan Milosevic in 1999, Ian Black and Stephen Bates wrote an article in the Guardian on 28 May 1999 predicting that, “War crimes move dims peace hope”. They also argued that, “Prospects for a negotiated solution to the Yugoslav conflict were thrown into doubt last night after Slobodan Milosevic was accused of murder”. Many human rights activist also observed that, “There seems to be something approaching a universal rule that whenever a politician comes close to being charged with genocide or war crimes, someone somewhere will wring their hands and talk about the impracticality of it all, and the threat that this supposedly poses to ‘peace’”.
Many among the leaders of the NCP accept that crimes were committed in Darfur. Unfortunately, they have underestimated the seriousness of the international community’s and Darfur victims’ response to these crimes. They have made countless diplomatic blunders that ended up in the ICC. However, they are also aware of the hard realities of Sudanese and regional politics and they cannot afford to scare away the foreign investment that has been attracted to Sudan in the last five years. And they do not want to risk their own stake in the country’s wealth. In short, they simply cannot afford anarchy in Sudan, let alone encourage it. And another reality, peace and justice are neither mutually exclusive nor sequential; they are more often inter-linked and simultaneous. Above all, impunity for the guilty is not an option that the victims of Darfur are willing or can afford to accept.
IN RETROSPECT
Now the naive Brigadier of 1989 is paying a high price for his role in an adventure written and composed by others. His own former mentor, Al Turabi, now cynically supporting his arrest. In retrospect, his mother was reported to have said in shock, following the news that her own son was the leader of the military coup in 1989, “What is wrong with my son Omer? This country is a river corpse [i.e. can not be resuscitated]”. If he ever listened to her, maybe he would have had a different destiny. But, wait a minute, if you’re a gift from God then maybe there was nothing you could have done to change your fate in any case.
The author is a Sudanese based in Italy
Somalia: Civilians pay the price of intense fighting in Mogadishu
Medeshi
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
AI index: AFR 52/002/2009
4 March 2009
Somalia: Civilians pay the price of intense fighting in Mogadishu
Amnesty International is calling on armed opposition groups and government forces in Somalia to cease all indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks and to take all feasible precautions to avoid loss of life and injury of civilians. Last week’s fighting in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, resulted in some 40 deaths and at least 241 injuries, including to at least 70 women and children, though this toll may be higher.
Amnesty International is also concerned at allegations that the African Union force in Somalia (AMISOM) used mortars and heavy artillery in civilian-populated areas during the fighting. Amnesty International is calling on the African Union to clearly instruct its soldiers in Somalia that their rules of engagement include respect for international humanitarian law at all times.
Amnesty International is also calling on the international community to apply pressure on all parties to the conflict to end indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, and to demand that all feasible precautions are taken to avoid loss of life and injury of civilians. Those who order and carry out indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks should be held accountable for war crimes. The international community should establish an international Commission of Inquiry to investigate violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in Somalia.
Most of those killed or injured in fighting on 24 and 25 February were wounded by blast, mortar shrapnel and gunshots. Amnesty International has received reports that all those engaged in last week’s fighting, including armed opposition groups, government police forces and AMISOM, have fired mortars, heavy machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) in areas populated by civilians.
On the morning of 24 February, an armed group attacked a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) police checkpoint in Taleh in the Hodan district of southern Mogadishu with machine guns and RPGs. The attack was claimed by Hizb al-Islamiya, a coalition recently formed of armed groups opposed to the TFG.
Heavy fighting ensued and spread through adjacent streets towards an AMISOM base, whose forces reportedly came to reinforce the TFG forces. Mortar shells landed in nearby civilian areas, including in the Hodan, Bakara market, Hawlwadag, and Black Sea neighbourhoods. Ahmed Saed Omar, a 38-year-old lecturer in English, was killed by shrapnel from a mortar that landed in the street in the Hodan district.
Fighting continued throughout the day and evening, with mortars fired at the Presidential Palace. Fighting resumed on 25 February, when mortar shells hit a Koranic school in Tawfiq, northern Mogadishu, killing one child and injuring seven others. One of the wounded children in that blast was reported to have later died in hospital. Shells also hit homes in southern Mogadishu, killing at least three persons.
While many civilians had fled Mogadishu because of conflict since early 2007, there are still many civilians living in the city. In addition, some 40,000 displaced, according to UNHCR estimates, have returned to the capital since January 2009 in the hope that the appointment of the new TFG President, a former opponent of the TFG, would improve security. In Hodan district, where the fighting started, some 3,000 were reported to have recently returned to the area. Now hundreds, possibly thousands, of people have fled Hodan and Hawlwadag again.
Indiscriminate attacks by all parties have become a well-established pattern in Somalia’s conflict since early 2007.
Under international humanitarian law all parties to the conflict must take all feasible precautions to protect civilians against the effect of attacks. Routinely initiating attacks in densely civilian-populated areas, as done by the armed opposition groups, violates this obligation.
While TFG and African Union forces have a right to defend themselves against attacks, indiscriminate attacks, such as the shelling of whole areas where civilians live without attempting to identify and target military objectives is illegal. Artillery and mortars are area weapons and are not appropriate for pinpointing targets in densely populated civilian areas.
Background:
Somalia has been marred by conflict since the fall of the Siad Barre government in 1991.
Conflict intensified and unlawful killings of civilians increased after Ethiopian troops entered Somalia at the end of 2006 to help the TFG fight armed opposition groups, some of whom issued from the Union of Islamic Courts, which was controlling the capital Mogadishu and other parts of the country in 2006.
Ethiopian troops withdrew at the end of 2008 and Abdullahi Yusuf resigned as President of the TFG, and was replaced by Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, then leader of the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia- Djibouti (ARS-Djibouti). The new TFG President nominated a Prime Minister, Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, who has now formed a new government and has just returned to the capital.
Armed groups – including al-Shabab militias and Hizb al-Islamiya, which includes a faction faithful to the opposition ARS-Asmara, which opposed peace talks between the TFG and the ARS-Djibouti, have vowed, since the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces, to target the small African Union peace-support mission in Somalia (AMISOM). On 22 February, a suicide attack, claimed by an Al-Shabab faction, on an African Union base in Mogadishu killed 11 Burundian soldiers.
An internal investigation is reportedly underway into allegations that on 2 February, AMISOM soldiers opened fire indiscriminately, resulting in civilian casualties, after one of their vehicles was hit by an explosion on Maka Al-Mukarama road in Mogadishu.
END/
Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK www.amnesty.org
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
AI index: AFR 52/002/2009
4 March 2009
Somalia: Civilians pay the price of intense fighting in Mogadishu
Amnesty International is calling on armed opposition groups and government forces in Somalia to cease all indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks and to take all feasible precautions to avoid loss of life and injury of civilians. Last week’s fighting in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, resulted in some 40 deaths and at least 241 injuries, including to at least 70 women and children, though this toll may be higher.
Amnesty International is also concerned at allegations that the African Union force in Somalia (AMISOM) used mortars and heavy artillery in civilian-populated areas during the fighting. Amnesty International is calling on the African Union to clearly instruct its soldiers in Somalia that their rules of engagement include respect for international humanitarian law at all times.
Amnesty International is also calling on the international community to apply pressure on all parties to the conflict to end indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, and to demand that all feasible precautions are taken to avoid loss of life and injury of civilians. Those who order and carry out indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks should be held accountable for war crimes. The international community should establish an international Commission of Inquiry to investigate violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in Somalia.
Most of those killed or injured in fighting on 24 and 25 February were wounded by blast, mortar shrapnel and gunshots. Amnesty International has received reports that all those engaged in last week’s fighting, including armed opposition groups, government police forces and AMISOM, have fired mortars, heavy machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) in areas populated by civilians.
On the morning of 24 February, an armed group attacked a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) police checkpoint in Taleh in the Hodan district of southern Mogadishu with machine guns and RPGs. The attack was claimed by Hizb al-Islamiya, a coalition recently formed of armed groups opposed to the TFG.
Heavy fighting ensued and spread through adjacent streets towards an AMISOM base, whose forces reportedly came to reinforce the TFG forces. Mortar shells landed in nearby civilian areas, including in the Hodan, Bakara market, Hawlwadag, and Black Sea neighbourhoods. Ahmed Saed Omar, a 38-year-old lecturer in English, was killed by shrapnel from a mortar that landed in the street in the Hodan district.
Fighting continued throughout the day and evening, with mortars fired at the Presidential Palace. Fighting resumed on 25 February, when mortar shells hit a Koranic school in Tawfiq, northern Mogadishu, killing one child and injuring seven others. One of the wounded children in that blast was reported to have later died in hospital. Shells also hit homes in southern Mogadishu, killing at least three persons.
While many civilians had fled Mogadishu because of conflict since early 2007, there are still many civilians living in the city. In addition, some 40,000 displaced, according to UNHCR estimates, have returned to the capital since January 2009 in the hope that the appointment of the new TFG President, a former opponent of the TFG, would improve security. In Hodan district, where the fighting started, some 3,000 were reported to have recently returned to the area. Now hundreds, possibly thousands, of people have fled Hodan and Hawlwadag again.
Indiscriminate attacks by all parties have become a well-established pattern in Somalia’s conflict since early 2007.
Under international humanitarian law all parties to the conflict must take all feasible precautions to protect civilians against the effect of attacks. Routinely initiating attacks in densely civilian-populated areas, as done by the armed opposition groups, violates this obligation.
While TFG and African Union forces have a right to defend themselves against attacks, indiscriminate attacks, such as the shelling of whole areas where civilians live without attempting to identify and target military objectives is illegal. Artillery and mortars are area weapons and are not appropriate for pinpointing targets in densely populated civilian areas.
Background:
Somalia has been marred by conflict since the fall of the Siad Barre government in 1991.
Conflict intensified and unlawful killings of civilians increased after Ethiopian troops entered Somalia at the end of 2006 to help the TFG fight armed opposition groups, some of whom issued from the Union of Islamic Courts, which was controlling the capital Mogadishu and other parts of the country in 2006.
Ethiopian troops withdrew at the end of 2008 and Abdullahi Yusuf resigned as President of the TFG, and was replaced by Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, then leader of the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia- Djibouti (ARS-Djibouti). The new TFG President nominated a Prime Minister, Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, who has now formed a new government and has just returned to the capital.
Armed groups – including al-Shabab militias and Hizb al-Islamiya, which includes a faction faithful to the opposition ARS-Asmara, which opposed peace talks between the TFG and the ARS-Djibouti, have vowed, since the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces, to target the small African Union peace-support mission in Somalia (AMISOM). On 22 February, a suicide attack, claimed by an Al-Shabab faction, on an African Union base in Mogadishu killed 11 Burundian soldiers.
An internal investigation is reportedly underway into allegations that on 2 February, AMISOM soldiers opened fire indiscriminately, resulting in civilian casualties, after one of their vehicles was hit by an explosion on Maka Al-Mukarama road in Mogadishu.
END/
Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK www.amnesty.org
Somaliland's Role in the Stability of the Horn of Africa
Medeshi
Somaliland's Role in the Stability of the Horn of Africa
Friday 6 March 2009 15:00 to 16:00
Location
Chatham House, London
Participants
President Dahir Rayale Kahin of Somaliland
Register here to participate: https://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/events/book/-/id/1091/
Type: Research and other events
This meeting will be an opportunity to hear from President Rayale about Somaliland's experience domestically and regionally. He will address what he sees as the challenges facing Somaliland and the achievements of Somaliland. President Rayale will speak about the democratisation process in Somaliland and how Somaliland has deterred piracy. He will also discuss Somaliland's role in the wider Horn of Africa region.
For more information please contact Tighisti Amare.
Somaliland's Role in the Stability of the Horn of Africa
Friday 6 March 2009 15:00 to 16:00
Location
Chatham House, London
Participants
President Dahir Rayale Kahin of Somaliland
Register here to participate: https://www.chathamhouse.org.uk/events/book/-/id/1091/
Type: Research and other events
This meeting will be an opportunity to hear from President Rayale about Somaliland's experience domestically and regionally. He will address what he sees as the challenges facing Somaliland and the achievements of Somaliland. President Rayale will speak about the democratisation process in Somaliland and how Somaliland has deterred piracy. He will also discuss Somaliland's role in the wider Horn of Africa region.
For more information please contact Tighisti Amare.
Court issues war crimes warrant for Sudan's Bashir
Medeshi
4 March, 2009
By MIKE CORDER, Associated
Court issues war crimes warrant for Sudan's Bashir
THE HAGUE, Netherlands – The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant Wednesday for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur. He is the first sitting head of state the court has ordered arrested.
The three-judge panel said there was insufficient evidence to support charges of genocide in a war in which up to 300,000 people have died and 2.7 million have fled their homes.
Al-Bashir's government denounced the warrant as part of a Western conspiracy aimed at destabilizing the vast oil-rich nation south of Egypt.
African and Arab nations fear the warrant will destabilize the whole region, bring even more conflict in Darfur and threaten the fragile peace deal that ended decades of civil war between northern and southern Sudan. China, which buys two-thirds of Sudan's oil, supports the African and Arab positions.
Some African nations reportedly threatened to pull out of the court in retaliation for a warrant. Thirty African countries are among the court's 108 member states.
In a show of defiance Tuesday in anticipation of the decision, al-Bashir told supporters at a rally, "We are telling them to immerse it in water and drink it," a common Arabic insult meant to show extreme disrespect.
Hundreds of Sudanese waving pictures of the president and denouncing the court quickly turned out in a rally at the Cabinet building in Khartoum. Security was increased around many embassies, and some diplomats and aid workers stayed home amid fears of retaliation against Westerners.
"He is suspected of being criminally responsible ... for intentionally directing attacks against an important part of the civilian population of Darfur, Sudan, murdering, exterminating, raping, torturing and forcibly transferring large numbers of civilians, and pillaging their property," court spokeswoman Laurence Blairon said. If al-Bashir is brought to trial and prosecuted, he faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment.
Blairon rejected accusations that the warrant was part of a political plot and said the decision was made purely on legal grounds.
Al-Bashir denies the war crimes accusations and refuses to deal with the court, and there is currently no international mechanism to arrest him. The main tool the court has is diplomatic pressure for countries to hand over suspects.
Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo suggested al-Bashir could be arrested if he flies out of Sudan.
"As soon as Mr. al-Bashir travels in international airspace, his plane could be intercepted and he could be arrested. That is what I expect," the prosecutor said.
"Like Slobodan Milosevic or Charles Taylor, Omar al-Bashir's destiny is to face justice," Moreno Ocampo said referring to the former presidents of Yugoslavia and Liberia who were indicted while in office and ended up on trial in The Hague.
Sudan does not recognize its jurisdiction and refuses to arrest suspects. U.N. peacekeepers and other international agencies operating in Sudan have no mandate to implement the warrant, and Sudanese officials have warned them not to go outside their mandates.
Asked why judges, in a 2-1 split decision, did not issue the warrant for genocide, Blairon explained that genocide requires a clear intent to destroy in part or as a whole a specific group.
"In this particular case, the pretrial chamber has not been able to find there were reasonable grounds to establish a genocidal intent," she said.
She said prosecutors could ask again for genocide charges to be added to the warrant if they can produce new evidence. Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo said he would study the ruling before deciding whether to keep pursuing genocide charges.
The war in Sudan's western Darfur region began in 2003, when rebel ethnic African groups, complaining of discrimination and neglect, took up arms against the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum. In 2005, the U.N. Security Council asked Moreno Ocampo to investigate crimes in Darfur.
The Rome statute that set up the International Criminal Court allows the Security Council to vote to defer or suspend for a year the investigation or prosecution of a case. It also gives the council authority to renew such a resolution.
The 52-member countries of the African Union and 26 states of the Arab League make up about a third of U.N. member states and they have said they would call for such a suspension.
But the council is sharply divided on suspending the case and is unlikely to take any action.
Some African nations reportedly have threatened to pull out of the court in retaliation for the warrant. Thirty African countries are among the court's 108 member states.
The Sudanese ruling party leadership will meet later Wednesday to decide its course of action, al-Bashir's foreign affairs adviser Mustafa Osman Ismail told state TV after the court announcement.
"This decision was not a surprise to us, but all the mechanism of the state will react. We in the Cabinet will meet tomorrow to see what steps are to be taken," Ismail said.
Rights groups welcomed the decision.
"With this arrest warrant, the International Criminal Court has made Omar al-Bashir a wanted man," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch. "Not even presidents are guaranteed a free pass for horrific crimes. By ruling there is a case for President al-Bashir to answer for the horrors of Darfur, the warrant breaks through Khartoum's repeated denials of his responsibility."
Sudan's ruling party announced that it plans a "million man march" in Khartoum on Thursday to protest any warrant.
THE HAGUE, Netherlands – The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant Wednesday for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur. He is the first sitting head of state the court has ordered arrested.
The three-judge panel said there was insufficient evidence to support charges of genocide in a war in which up to 300,000 people have died and 2.7 million have fled their homes.
Al-Bashir's government denounced the warrant as part of a Western conspiracy aimed at destabilizing the vast oil-rich nation south of Egypt.
African and Arab nations fear the warrant will destabilize the whole region, bring even more conflict in Darfur and threaten the fragile peace deal that ended decades of civil war between northern and southern Sudan. China, which buys two-thirds of Sudan's oil, supports the African and Arab positions.
Some African nations reportedly threatened to pull out of the court in retaliation for a warrant. Thirty African countries are among the court's 108 member states.
In a show of defiance Tuesday in anticipation of the decision, al-Bashir told supporters at a rally, "We are telling them to immerse it in water and drink it," a common Arabic insult meant to show extreme disrespect.
Hundreds of Sudanese waving pictures of the president and denouncing the court quickly turned out in a rally at the Cabinet building in Khartoum. Security was increased around many embassies, and some diplomats and aid workers stayed home amid fears of retaliation against Westerners.
"He is suspected of being criminally responsible ... for intentionally directing attacks against an important part of the civilian population of Darfur, Sudan, murdering, exterminating, raping, torturing and forcibly transferring large numbers of civilians, and pillaging their property," court spokeswoman Laurence Blairon said. If al-Bashir is brought to trial and prosecuted, he faces a maximum sentence of life imprisonment.
Blairon rejected accusations that the warrant was part of a political plot and said the decision was made purely on legal grounds.
Al-Bashir denies the war crimes accusations and refuses to deal with the court, and there is currently no international mechanism to arrest him. The main tool the court has is diplomatic pressure for countries to hand over suspects.
Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo suggested al-Bashir could be arrested if he flies out of Sudan.
"As soon as Mr. al-Bashir travels in international airspace, his plane could be intercepted and he could be arrested. That is what I expect," the prosecutor said.
"Like Slobodan Milosevic or Charles Taylor, Omar al-Bashir's destiny is to face justice," Moreno Ocampo said referring to the former presidents of Yugoslavia and Liberia who were indicted while in office and ended up on trial in The Hague.
Sudan does not recognize its jurisdiction and refuses to arrest suspects. U.N. peacekeepers and other international agencies operating in Sudan have no mandate to implement the warrant, and Sudanese officials have warned them not to go outside their mandates.
Asked why judges, in a 2-1 split decision, did not issue the warrant for genocide, Blairon explained that genocide requires a clear intent to destroy in part or as a whole a specific group.
"In this particular case, the pretrial chamber has not been able to find there were reasonable grounds to establish a genocidal intent," she said.
She said prosecutors could ask again for genocide charges to be added to the warrant if they can produce new evidence. Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo said he would study the ruling before deciding whether to keep pursuing genocide charges.
The war in Sudan's western Darfur region began in 2003, when rebel ethnic African groups, complaining of discrimination and neglect, took up arms against the Arab-dominated government in Khartoum. In 2005, the U.N. Security Council asked Moreno Ocampo to investigate crimes in Darfur.
The Rome statute that set up the International Criminal Court allows the Security Council to vote to defer or suspend for a year the investigation or prosecution of a case. It also gives the council authority to renew such a resolution.
The 52-member countries of the African Union and 26 states of the Arab League make up about a third of U.N. member states and they have said they would call for such a suspension.
But the council is sharply divided on suspending the case and is unlikely to take any action.
Some African nations reportedly have threatened to pull out of the court in retaliation for the warrant. Thirty African countries are among the court's 108 member states.
The Sudanese ruling party leadership will meet later Wednesday to decide its course of action, al-Bashir's foreign affairs adviser Mustafa Osman Ismail told state TV after the court announcement.
"This decision was not a surprise to us, but all the mechanism of the state will react. We in the Cabinet will meet tomorrow to see what steps are to be taken," Ismail said.
Rights groups welcomed the decision.
"With this arrest warrant, the International Criminal Court has made Omar al-Bashir a wanted man," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch. "Not even presidents are guaranteed a free pass for horrific crimes. By ruling there is a case for President al-Bashir to answer for the horrors of Darfur, the warrant breaks through Khartoum's repeated denials of his responsibility."
Sudan's ruling party announced that it plans a "million man march" in Khartoum on Thursday to protest any warrant.
Somaliland Electoral Laws
Medeshi
March 4, 2009
A timely production and helpful resource for all those who are following the upcoming elections in Somaliland. Ibrahim Hashi Jama, former Chair of Somaliland Forum's Committee on Constitution, and editor of somalilandlaw.com, shares with us a great handbook.
This handbook covers the laws and codes developed from 1993 to 2008 which were necessary for the electoral process. The introductory chapters of the handbook explore the development of all these main legal instruments, including the basic laws (The National Charter of 1992 followed by the Constitution) that set up the governmental structures and the institutions which should be elected.
REDSEA-ONLINE e-books is grateful to the author for his permission to post the book here for its readers. Version: 1.0 Filesize: 2.45 MBAdded on: 11-Feb-2009 Downloads: 137
Download the complete book :
This handbook covers the laws and codes developed from 1993 to 2008 which were necessary for the electoral process. The introductory chapters of the handbook explore the development of all these main legal instruments, including the basic laws (The National Charter of 1992 followed by the Constitution) that set up the governmental structures and the institutions which should be elected.
REDSEA-ONLINE e-books is grateful to the author for his permission to post the book here for its readers. Version: 1.0 Filesize: 2.45 MBAdded on: 11-Feb-2009 Downloads: 137
Download the complete book :
Ethiopia new king
Medeshi March 4, 2009
Ethiopia new king
Guyyoo Gobbaa sits surrounded by people shortly after he was crowned the 70th king of the cattle-herding Borena people, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 2009 in Badhaasaa in southern Ethiopia. Guyyoo Gobbaa became the 70th king of the Borena people this Tuesday in a secret ceremony considered so sacred it has the power to kill unauthorized observers. Like his predecessors, he was chosen from birth to serve an eight year term in a system that rotates power between the tribe’s top clans and is as difficult to explain to outsiders as the American electoral college.
Guyyoo Gobbaa sits surrounded by people shortly after he was crowned the 70th king of the cattle-herding Borena people, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 2009 in Badhaasaa in southern Ethiopia. Guyyoo Gobbaa became the 70th king of the Borena people this Tuesday in a secret ceremony considered so sacred it has the power to kill unauthorized observers. Like his predecessors, he was chosen from birth to serve an eight year term in a system that rotates power between the tribe’s top clans and is as difficult to explain to outsiders as the American electoral college.
Somaliland: Democracy in Action - II
Medeshi March 1, 2009
Somaliland: Democracy in Action - II
By A. Al Muttairi
As part of series of articles about Somaliland democracy development, this is an informative article by Somali Intellectual on Somaliland Democracy and Development, the writer is comparing Somaliland with the failed Somalia, and fake state of "Puntland" - The land of piracy.
The Triumph of Democracy in Somaliland
Posted to the web 11:19 Sept 28 2002 by Adam Mohamed Egeh "Mardaadi".
Sept 28 2002 The people of Somaliland were once the architects of Somali unity. On June 26, 1960 Somaliand got its independence from the British. During that time, the sentiment of nationalism and Pan Somalism were all time high and Somalilanders were so enamored with the idea of bringing all ethnic Somali speaking communities under one nation (NFD, Djibouti and
Ogaden).
The union took place on July 1, 1960, the day the Italian Somalia became independent. The international community was quite surprised with this unique decision taken by the newly independent British colony to surrender its sovereignty and merge with yet to become an independent Southern Somalia. The Italian Somalia was technically under U N trusteeship and was supposed to be free in December of that year. The headlines of the internal newspapers were among others, -- the colony that rejected freedom -- the colony that surrendered its independence and refused to join the Common Wealth. Unequivocally, the Somalilanders sacrificed their independence for the sake of attaining Greater Somalia.
This union was unconstitutional, since the parliaments of Somaliland - North and Somalia - South did not ratify it as a single act of union. Not a single year elapsed when the people in the north showed the initial signs of resentment about the ill-fated marriage between the two Somali regions. The southerners dominated all the cabinet positions of the newly created Somali Republic. Almost all-economic development projects were shifted to southern Somalia with nothing or very little allocated for Somaliland. The northerners immediately felt as being treated as second-class citizens. Their confidence and loyalty to the Somali government suddenly dwindled; the sense of being betrayed became wide spread. Somaliland was economically marginalized and politically oppressed by the southern dominated central government. Consequently, the northerners lost faith with the union and the talk of reversing the merger became very popular. That feeling was expressed in 1961, when a young army officer by the name of Hassan Kayd - a Sandhurst graduate and other northern military officers launched an unsuccessful coup in the north against the Somali government. These northern officers were brought to Mogadishu for trial. Citing the illegality of the union, the judge in the court dismissed the case against these officers on the grounds that as Northerns, they could not be tried and judged by a Southern court.
On October 21, 1969 the military regime overthrew the civilian government. Siyad Barre became the president of Somali Democratic Republic. This military regime became one of the most vicious and brutal dictatorships the world ever witnessed. This was the beginning of Somalia disintegration. The death knell for Greater Somalia sounded, as the government was politically unable to bring NFD-Kenya, Djibouti-French and Ogaden-Ethiopia into one nation. These Somali speaking regions saw the brutal actions of Barre's dictatorship and their interest to unite with Somalia immediately disappeared. Djibouti opted for its own separate nation and became an independent country on June 1977. The military regime also embarked on barbaric tactics against its citizens by targeting certain clans suspected of being opposed to the policies of Barre's dictatorship. Somalilanders formed Somali National Movement (SNM) and were first to declare organized military measures against Dictator Siyad Barre. The response of the military regime was near genocidal, as they unleashed a massive military might on the major towns of Hargeisa, Buroa, Berbera and Gabiley on the summer of 1988. Some 65000 innocent civilian people were massacred and more than half million people had fled to Ethiopia as refugees. The SNM with its huge supply of reserve army (incoming refugees) continued its armed struggle and finally defeated the military regime. The entire territory of Somaliland fell under the control of SNM and the restoration of Somaliland independence was declared on May 18, 1991.
Today, the Republic of Somaliland is little over eleven years old and had fiercely refused to take the path many African nations pursued during their independence. They decided to become a true democratic state. Some of the foreign reporters that visited Somaliland were quite impressed how the deliberations in the Lower House are carried out. They confessed that these deliberations are among the freest in the world. The people of Somaliland said no to one party system that is why this state is marching towards the institutionalization of full-blown democracy. Multiparty system has been created, aimed to neutralize the influence of tribal affiliation. There are nine political parties destined to compete for the up coming municipal, presidential and parliamentarian elections. The three most popular parties with 20% of the regional votes during the municipal elections will gain an official party status according to a new law designed to regulate the registration of the political parties. The date for municipal elections is already set to happen on December 2002, while the elections for the presidency and parliamentarians are also tentatively planned to take place in the first quarter of 2003. The question that comes to mind is WHY SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IS VERY SUCCESSFUL IN SOMALILAND, WHILE THE SOUTHERN SOMALIA IS STILL WRACKED BY UNCEASING CLAN WARFARE AND TOTAL ANARCHY?
Apparently, the achievements of Somaliland to establish the major organs of civil society through a democratic process are not per chance. Therefore, the answer to the preceding question is two folds:
The will of the people remains the major bedrock for this success. The desire to establish peace and stability became the greatest priority in Somaliland. Enjoying the full support of the people, the elders worked around the clock to disarm the many different militia groups scattered throughout the country. The people also consolidated their collective efforts to rebuild the country. There is a general consensus among the communities in Somaliland that the only way to development and nation building is through a democratic process. The elders, politicians, businessmen, tribal leaders and the intelligentsia all agreed to assemble a democratic form of government; a broad-based government of regional reconciliation including representatives from all clans of the country. Eventually this facilitated the establishment of a government in which the people hold the ruling power either directly or through elected representatives. In addition the principle of equality of rights, opportunity and treatment are guaranteed for every citizen. When every region of the country is fairly represented in the government and no community is left underrepresented, the nexus that holds the nation together gains a substantial strength.
The mutual agreements of the community were clearly enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of Somaliland, which was adapted throughout a National Referendum held on May 31, 2001. The people of Somaliland voted for the constitution and 97.09% accepted it. Foreign observers monitored the referendum and declared it as being conducted openly, fairly, honestly and in accordance with internationally recognized election procedures. The results of the referendum were very convincing and clearly indicative of the will of the Somaliland community, i.e., a state laboriously striving to develop the country by way of democratic process. The rights of the individuals, freedom of opinions, freedom of movement, freedom of public demonstration, the right to own private property, and freedom of press and media are guaranteed under the constitution of Somaliland.
The other major contributing factor to the easy transition to democratic system is the deeply rooted cultural conditions that have been hospitable to the tender shoots of democratization process. The nomadic communities in Somaliland have their own distinct cultural traditions that nourish the spread of democracy. Long before the arrival of the European colonial powers in the area, the ethnic communities of Somaliland developed a traditional form of democracy, unique to their own environment. This is the concept of pastoral democracy with an effective and efficient built in mechanism of conflict resolution under the guidance of tribal elders. These conflict resolutions are normally conducted under the wisdom tree. The big shadow of the wisdom tree serves as the traditional courthouse. Tribal chiefs, Sultans and elders are the final arbiters in any unexpected situation perceived as being a treat to peace and the harmony among the various clans. Any verdict rendered by these elders is always binding on the parties in conflict. In addition, the nucleus of this culture did not suffer any significant injury during the British rule of Somaliland Protectorate. Therefore, the fast based democracy taking shape in Somaliand stems from the homogenous blend of that traditional Pastoral Democracy combined with some contemporary democratic ideas adapted according to the needs of this vibrant and viable state of Somaliland.
When the British set foot on the coastal city of Berbera, the tribal leaders entered a historic agreement with the British colony. The British were asked not to interfere with the culture of the indigenous people, and neither British children were to be born on the soil of Somaliland nor British citizens are to be buried in Somaliland. The British honored these demands, as their colonial style was distinct from that of other major colonial powers such as the French and the Italians. The British practiced a policy of indirect rule, and they administered Somaliand through the chiefs and clans - an indirect form of rule that left the cultural practices of the society fully in tact.
In contrast, the faction leaders in Southern Somalia have failed miserably to lift their country from the chaos and anarchy, which are the hallmarks of Mogadishu. Numerous mediation efforts by the UN, the IGAD and the neighboring countries did not bear fruit. The leaders of the south were unable to map out a viable political agreement intended to rebuild the fundamental foundations of civil society. Ironically, the only known agreement the faction leaders in Southern Somalia have in common is not to allow the restoration of Somaliland independence. Understandably, the binding clue that used to counterbalance and keep the defunct Somali Republic together suddenly vanished from the scene. They desperately need a new strong molecular structure capable of replacing the missing link.
Furthermore, the Italians have colonized the Somali communities in the south. Apart from their imperial intentions, the Italians were involved in major economic activities in the south, such as crop plantation, hotels and the local shops. The colonial style of the Italians was direct rule. They mingled with the ethnic communities and created a working class from the indigenous population employed in the plantation and other sectors of Italian businesses in the major towns. With the meager economic incentive available to them, this emerging working class, and the government employees become a subordinate group very close and loyal to the colonial master. The Italians also married from the ethnic societies, thus creating a maternal kingship within the southern communities. As a result, the colonial master was able to neutralize the cultural aspects of the native society. This type of colonial practices and the fact that cultural homogeneity was not wide spread, the southern Somalis suffered an insurmountable cultural disorientation. The lack of uniform cultural traits that connect them rendered each tribe to be confined in its own dwelling places minding their own interests. That is why the elders in the southern Somalia are chronically inept in undertaking regional reconciliation and effective conflict resolutions among the local clans.
This unrecognized state in the horn of Africa has all the attributes that make a perfect sovereign state. It has a fully functioning administration, police, military, national currency and immigration department that grants visitors a visa at the airport.
Furthermore, the local businesses are booming, of course under the sprit of free market. There are six different commercial airlines operating in the country, and five different telephone companies providing a fairly affordable communications to the international world. Somaliland achieved all these without receiving an iota of economic assistance from the international communities. The Republic of Somaliland is free from foreign debt, because the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund do not provide economic and development aid to Somaliland, as these two organizations do not acknowledge the statehood of Somaliland.
In Somaliland, the elders are the backbone and the brain behind the peaceful Co-existence among the clans. Their pious efforts to secure lasting peace and stability throughout the country will not only serve as beacon light, but a vivifying force that encourages every individual to respect the law and order.
Undeniably, they are strong pillars in the edifice of learning and maintaining lasting democratic principles. Their contribution to the cause of restoring Somaliland sovereignty and nation building is tremendous and without parallel.
They are also a galaxy of unique hope and virtue whose exemplary determination for the betterment of the country was and will remain a perennial source of guidance and inspiration to everyone in Somaliland. Without a doubt, the elders are such a source of strength and vigor to which Somaliland cannot afford to lose.
Somaliland: Democracy in Action - II
By A. Al Muttairi
As part of series of articles about Somaliland democracy development, this is an informative article by Somali Intellectual on Somaliland Democracy and Development, the writer is comparing Somaliland with the failed Somalia, and fake state of "Puntland" - The land of piracy.
The Triumph of Democracy in Somaliland
Posted to the web 11:19 Sept 28 2002 by Adam Mohamed Egeh "Mardaadi".
Sept 28 2002 The people of Somaliland were once the architects of Somali unity. On June 26, 1960 Somaliand got its independence from the British. During that time, the sentiment of nationalism and Pan Somalism were all time high and Somalilanders were so enamored with the idea of bringing all ethnic Somali speaking communities under one nation (NFD, Djibouti and
Ogaden).
The union took place on July 1, 1960, the day the Italian Somalia became independent. The international community was quite surprised with this unique decision taken by the newly independent British colony to surrender its sovereignty and merge with yet to become an independent Southern Somalia. The Italian Somalia was technically under U N trusteeship and was supposed to be free in December of that year. The headlines of the internal newspapers were among others, -- the colony that rejected freedom -- the colony that surrendered its independence and refused to join the Common Wealth. Unequivocally, the Somalilanders sacrificed their independence for the sake of attaining Greater Somalia.
This union was unconstitutional, since the parliaments of Somaliland - North and Somalia - South did not ratify it as a single act of union. Not a single year elapsed when the people in the north showed the initial signs of resentment about the ill-fated marriage between the two Somali regions. The southerners dominated all the cabinet positions of the newly created Somali Republic. Almost all-economic development projects were shifted to southern Somalia with nothing or very little allocated for Somaliland. The northerners immediately felt as being treated as second-class citizens. Their confidence and loyalty to the Somali government suddenly dwindled; the sense of being betrayed became wide spread. Somaliland was economically marginalized and politically oppressed by the southern dominated central government. Consequently, the northerners lost faith with the union and the talk of reversing the merger became very popular. That feeling was expressed in 1961, when a young army officer by the name of Hassan Kayd - a Sandhurst graduate and other northern military officers launched an unsuccessful coup in the north against the Somali government. These northern officers were brought to Mogadishu for trial. Citing the illegality of the union, the judge in the court dismissed the case against these officers on the grounds that as Northerns, they could not be tried and judged by a Southern court.
On October 21, 1969 the military regime overthrew the civilian government. Siyad Barre became the president of Somali Democratic Republic. This military regime became one of the most vicious and brutal dictatorships the world ever witnessed. This was the beginning of Somalia disintegration. The death knell for Greater Somalia sounded, as the government was politically unable to bring NFD-Kenya, Djibouti-French and Ogaden-Ethiopia into one nation. These Somali speaking regions saw the brutal actions of Barre's dictatorship and their interest to unite with Somalia immediately disappeared. Djibouti opted for its own separate nation and became an independent country on June 1977. The military regime also embarked on barbaric tactics against its citizens by targeting certain clans suspected of being opposed to the policies of Barre's dictatorship. Somalilanders formed Somali National Movement (SNM) and were first to declare organized military measures against Dictator Siyad Barre. The response of the military regime was near genocidal, as they unleashed a massive military might on the major towns of Hargeisa, Buroa, Berbera and Gabiley on the summer of 1988. Some 65000 innocent civilian people were massacred and more than half million people had fled to Ethiopia as refugees. The SNM with its huge supply of reserve army (incoming refugees) continued its armed struggle and finally defeated the military regime. The entire territory of Somaliland fell under the control of SNM and the restoration of Somaliland independence was declared on May 18, 1991.
Today, the Republic of Somaliland is little over eleven years old and had fiercely refused to take the path many African nations pursued during their independence. They decided to become a true democratic state. Some of the foreign reporters that visited Somaliland were quite impressed how the deliberations in the Lower House are carried out. They confessed that these deliberations are among the freest in the world. The people of Somaliland said no to one party system that is why this state is marching towards the institutionalization of full-blown democracy. Multiparty system has been created, aimed to neutralize the influence of tribal affiliation. There are nine political parties destined to compete for the up coming municipal, presidential and parliamentarian elections. The three most popular parties with 20% of the regional votes during the municipal elections will gain an official party status according to a new law designed to regulate the registration of the political parties. The date for municipal elections is already set to happen on December 2002, while the elections for the presidency and parliamentarians are also tentatively planned to take place in the first quarter of 2003. The question that comes to mind is WHY SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IS VERY SUCCESSFUL IN SOMALILAND, WHILE THE SOUTHERN SOMALIA IS STILL WRACKED BY UNCEASING CLAN WARFARE AND TOTAL ANARCHY?
Apparently, the achievements of Somaliland to establish the major organs of civil society through a democratic process are not per chance. Therefore, the answer to the preceding question is two folds:
The will of the people remains the major bedrock for this success. The desire to establish peace and stability became the greatest priority in Somaliland. Enjoying the full support of the people, the elders worked around the clock to disarm the many different militia groups scattered throughout the country. The people also consolidated their collective efforts to rebuild the country. There is a general consensus among the communities in Somaliland that the only way to development and nation building is through a democratic process. The elders, politicians, businessmen, tribal leaders and the intelligentsia all agreed to assemble a democratic form of government; a broad-based government of regional reconciliation including representatives from all clans of the country. Eventually this facilitated the establishment of a government in which the people hold the ruling power either directly or through elected representatives. In addition the principle of equality of rights, opportunity and treatment are guaranteed for every citizen. When every region of the country is fairly represented in the government and no community is left underrepresented, the nexus that holds the nation together gains a substantial strength.
The mutual agreements of the community were clearly enshrined in the constitution of the Republic of Somaliland, which was adapted throughout a National Referendum held on May 31, 2001. The people of Somaliland voted for the constitution and 97.09% accepted it. Foreign observers monitored the referendum and declared it as being conducted openly, fairly, honestly and in accordance with internationally recognized election procedures. The results of the referendum were very convincing and clearly indicative of the will of the Somaliland community, i.e., a state laboriously striving to develop the country by way of democratic process. The rights of the individuals, freedom of opinions, freedom of movement, freedom of public demonstration, the right to own private property, and freedom of press and media are guaranteed under the constitution of Somaliland.
The other major contributing factor to the easy transition to democratic system is the deeply rooted cultural conditions that have been hospitable to the tender shoots of democratization process. The nomadic communities in Somaliland have their own distinct cultural traditions that nourish the spread of democracy. Long before the arrival of the European colonial powers in the area, the ethnic communities of Somaliland developed a traditional form of democracy, unique to their own environment. This is the concept of pastoral democracy with an effective and efficient built in mechanism of conflict resolution under the guidance of tribal elders. These conflict resolutions are normally conducted under the wisdom tree. The big shadow of the wisdom tree serves as the traditional courthouse. Tribal chiefs, Sultans and elders are the final arbiters in any unexpected situation perceived as being a treat to peace and the harmony among the various clans. Any verdict rendered by these elders is always binding on the parties in conflict. In addition, the nucleus of this culture did not suffer any significant injury during the British rule of Somaliland Protectorate. Therefore, the fast based democracy taking shape in Somaliand stems from the homogenous blend of that traditional Pastoral Democracy combined with some contemporary democratic ideas adapted according to the needs of this vibrant and viable state of Somaliland.
When the British set foot on the coastal city of Berbera, the tribal leaders entered a historic agreement with the British colony. The British were asked not to interfere with the culture of the indigenous people, and neither British children were to be born on the soil of Somaliland nor British citizens are to be buried in Somaliland. The British honored these demands, as their colonial style was distinct from that of other major colonial powers such as the French and the Italians. The British practiced a policy of indirect rule, and they administered Somaliand through the chiefs and clans - an indirect form of rule that left the cultural practices of the society fully in tact.
In contrast, the faction leaders in Southern Somalia have failed miserably to lift their country from the chaos and anarchy, which are the hallmarks of Mogadishu. Numerous mediation efforts by the UN, the IGAD and the neighboring countries did not bear fruit. The leaders of the south were unable to map out a viable political agreement intended to rebuild the fundamental foundations of civil society. Ironically, the only known agreement the faction leaders in Southern Somalia have in common is not to allow the restoration of Somaliland independence. Understandably, the binding clue that used to counterbalance and keep the defunct Somali Republic together suddenly vanished from the scene. They desperately need a new strong molecular structure capable of replacing the missing link.
Furthermore, the Italians have colonized the Somali communities in the south. Apart from their imperial intentions, the Italians were involved in major economic activities in the south, such as crop plantation, hotels and the local shops. The colonial style of the Italians was direct rule. They mingled with the ethnic communities and created a working class from the indigenous population employed in the plantation and other sectors of Italian businesses in the major towns. With the meager economic incentive available to them, this emerging working class, and the government employees become a subordinate group very close and loyal to the colonial master. The Italians also married from the ethnic societies, thus creating a maternal kingship within the southern communities. As a result, the colonial master was able to neutralize the cultural aspects of the native society. This type of colonial practices and the fact that cultural homogeneity was not wide spread, the southern Somalis suffered an insurmountable cultural disorientation. The lack of uniform cultural traits that connect them rendered each tribe to be confined in its own dwelling places minding their own interests. That is why the elders in the southern Somalia are chronically inept in undertaking regional reconciliation and effective conflict resolutions among the local clans.
This unrecognized state in the horn of Africa has all the attributes that make a perfect sovereign state. It has a fully functioning administration, police, military, national currency and immigration department that grants visitors a visa at the airport.
Furthermore, the local businesses are booming, of course under the sprit of free market. There are six different commercial airlines operating in the country, and five different telephone companies providing a fairly affordable communications to the international world. Somaliland achieved all these without receiving an iota of economic assistance from the international communities. The Republic of Somaliland is free from foreign debt, because the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund do not provide economic and development aid to Somaliland, as these two organizations do not acknowledge the statehood of Somaliland.
In Somaliland, the elders are the backbone and the brain behind the peaceful Co-existence among the clans. Their pious efforts to secure lasting peace and stability throughout the country will not only serve as beacon light, but a vivifying force that encourages every individual to respect the law and order.
Undeniably, they are strong pillars in the edifice of learning and maintaining lasting democratic principles. Their contribution to the cause of restoring Somaliland sovereignty and nation building is tremendous and without parallel.
They are also a galaxy of unique hope and virtue whose exemplary determination for the betterment of the country was and will remain a perennial source of guidance and inspiration to everyone in Somaliland. Without a doubt, the elders are such a source of strength and vigor to which Somaliland cannot afford to lose.
Corruption eats into Somaliland’s food aid
Medeshi
Corruption eats into Somaliland’s food aid
Matt Brown, Foreign Correspondent
March 02. 2009
BURAO, SOMALILAND
(Photo: Bags of sorghum intended to be given as food aid are stacked in a warehouse at a market in Burao, Somalia. Matt Brown / The National)
In a dimly lit warehouse behind the bustling market in this northern Somali town, white plastic sacks full of sorghum are stacked nearly to the ceiling.Most of the 200 or so bags of grain have the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) logo on them. Some are from the United States Agency for International Development and have the words, “Not for sale or exchange” written on them.
However, all of this food, intended as handouts to some of the world’s neediest people, is for sale. Corruption is adding to the already catastrophic food crisis here in Somalia, where three million people, or one-third of the population, are dependent on food aid.In south and central Somalia, where nearly 20 years of war has ravaged the country, warlords commonly steal food aid and use it to control the population. Here in the more stable northern region, where many have sought shelter from the fighting, some of the food is stolen by corrupt officials looking to make a profit.
“There is corruption,” said Asha Essa, who lives in a camp for displaced people on the outskirts of the town. “I have seen the officials selling our food aid in town.”The displaced people who live in this dusty, sprawling camp of stick and plastic tents lament the fact that they have to buy the food that should be given to them. Many cannot afford to pay the US$7 (Dh25) for a 25kg bag of sorghum. Rising food prices and hyperinflation have put even basic food out of reach for the most vulnerable.
“There’s no food,” said Ali Gouled, a camp resident. “When they bring rice, people take it to town. It flies away from here like a bird.”Hassan Bilaal, a programme assistant for the WFP, said 80 per cent of the grain sold in Somali markets had been intended as food aid. He said corruption is partly to blame, but much of it is sold by the aid recipients themselves so that they can earn money to buy sugar and tea and other basics.
“If a family gets two bags of sorghum, they will sell one,” he said.Besides corruption, inflation, rising food prices and war, Somalia has been hit with one of its worst droughts in decades. This collection of calamities in the past year has caused what many consider to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Somalia is the WFP’s second largest operation in the world, after Sudan. Malnutrition rates among children here are up to 20 per cent, the WFP says.
“Malnutrition is very common in Somalia,” said Gerardo Romay, a programme officer with WFP. “It is very critical and it is everywhere.”The people living in the camps are supposed to receive food donations at the beginning of each month consisting of rice, sorghum, maize, beans and vegetable oil. But the people living in this camp say they have not been fed for three months.“All of us, we are hungry,” said Arfi Ainashe, who has watched four of her eight children die. “The food is not sufficient.”
The war in southern Somalia is complicating relief efforts. Somalia has been embroiled in near constant fighting since 1991, when Siad Barre, the dictator, was overthrown by warlords. The warlords then turned against each other in a struggle for control of the country. In 2006, an Islamist movement briefly came to power, but was ousted by Ethiopian forces. The Islamists have waged a guerrilla war ever since.
The Ethiopians remained in Somalia until January. After their pullout, the Islamists have continued their war against African Union peacekeepers. At least 11 AU troops were killed in a battle last week.The refugees here in northern Somalia have lived through more than two decades of displacement. They fled to Ethiopia in the 1980s when the Barre regime launched a civil war against the northern Somaliland region. When Ethiopia faced its own war in the eastern Ogaden region, the Somalis went back home, where they have continued to live in squalid camps.
They hack out a meagre existence in the flat, dry scrub brush. Many raise livestock or work as labourers in town to earn extra money to buy back the food rations that are being sold in the market. The global food crisis last year made life particularly tough even for these resilient people that are used to hardship.“This year has been the hardest,” Mrs Ainashe said. “We have had no water. The food prices have gone up. It is a harsh life.”
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