Piracy report Around the Somali Coast


Medeshi Jan 24, 2009
Piracy Report
14.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
Eight pirates armed with guns in two boats attempted to attack a tanker underway. Master raised alarm, sent distress message, contacted coalition warships and took evasive manoeuvres. A coalition warship responded and was ready to dispatch a helicopter. Pirate boats slowed down and aborted the attempt upon noticing the British security team at the bridge wings armed with axes.

13.01.2009:Gulf of Aden.
One boat with six pirates armed with guns / RPG chased a container ship underway. Pirates open fire with RPG. Two warships in the vicinity provided assistance to the vessel. After half an hour the attack was abandoned. The Russian warship chased the pirate boat but was instructed by Aden control not to interfere.

08.01.2009: Kiunga, Kenya.
Heavily armed pirates in a speedboat came alongside a fishing vessel at anchor. They boarded the vessel and tied up all crewmembers. They stole cash, some valuable equipment and forced three crewmembers into their speedboat and escaped. Some of the crew swam ashore and reported the incident to the local police. The fishing vessel was brought back to Mombasa. Kenyan police are investigating the incident.

04.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
Five pirates, in a speed boat, armed with machine guns attempted to board a tanker underway. Master raised alarm and the contacted coalition warships. The crew activated anti-piracy measures. Pirates came close to the tanker but were unable to board her due to running waters from the fire hoses. Pirates aborted the attempt.

02.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
Two speed boats with pirates armed with guns and RPG chased a general cargo ship underway. The ship immediately contacted the IMB Piracy Reporting Centre for help. Duty officer at the, 24 hour manned, IMB Piracy Reporting Centre advised master to take evasive manoeuvres to delay and prevent boarding and then immediately contacted coalition naval forces for help. Two warships were dispatched. Meanwhile ship’s crew used various preventive measures and prevented boarding. Later, pirates aborted attempt and moved away.


02.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
Armed pirates in a boat approached a general cargo ship underway. Master raised alarm, took evasive manoeuvres and contacted coalition warships. Pirates fired upon the ship with rockets and guns. Ship's crew fired rocket flares at the pirate boat which caught fire. Five pirates were apprehended by a coalition helicopter which arrived and shot at the pirate boat.


01.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
One skiff with six pirates approached a bulk carrier underway. Owners contacted IMB Piracy Reporting Centre for assistance. Duty officer immediately contacted the coalition naval forces to render assistance to crew and vessel. Meanwhile, ship’s crew enforced preventive measure and master reported sighting automatic weapons and RPGs in the skiff. Attack was aborted.


01.01.2009: Gulf of Aden.
Two skiffs approached the bulk carrier from aft. Pirates in both skiffs were armed with automatic weapons and RPGs. Ship made evasive and preventive measures to prevent boarding. Pirates opened fire with automatic weapons at ship. One skiff came very close to ship’s port side. Due to aggressive preventive measures, the pirates aborted the attempted boarding. A warship arrived at location and detained the pirates who claimed that they were fishermen. Pirates threw their weapons into the water. Warship contacted vessel to obtain concrete evidence against the pirates.

Gazans Pray in Open Air

Medesh Jan 24, 2009
Gazans Pray in Open Air
Gazans performed the first Friday payers on January 23, in open air and on the rubble of mosques destroyed in 22 days of Israeli attacks in Gaza. More than 20 mosques were totally destroyed and scores damaged in the Israeli blitz, which also left more than 1,300 people dead and 5,450 wounded.











Guantanamo: A Journey Into the Unknown

Watch video here: http://www.islamonline.net/English/In_Depth/news/GuantanamoBay/Articles/images/gua.shtml

Suicide car bomb kills 14 in Somali capital

Medeshi
Suicide car bomb kills 14 in Somali capital
By Abdi Guled
MOGADISHU, Jan 24 (Reuters) - A suicide car bomb aimed at African Union (AU) peacekeepers in the Somali capital missed its target and killed 13 civilians and a policeman on Saturday.
Islamist insurgents have been battling the country's Western-backed interim government since the start of 2007, and have stepped up attacks since the administration's Ethiopian military allies withdrew from Mogadishu this month.
Abdifatah Shaweye, the city's deputy governor, told Reuters that policemen stationed near an AU base opened fire on the bomb-laden car as it approached, after which it crashed and blew up. Thirteen civilians and a policeman were killed, he said.
"I could see smoke rising near the AU base," witness Abbas Farah said. At least 30 people were wounded, doctors said.
The spokesman for the small AU force AMISIOM, Major Barigye Ba-hoku, said no peacekeepers had been hurt. "That opposition group has massacred only innocent Somali people," he said.
No group immediately claimed responsibility for the attack.
Some analysts fear the Ethiopian withdrawal has left a power vacuum that will be exploited by hardline Islamists from the al Shabaab group, which Washington says is linked to al Qaeda.
The international community is putting pressure on Somali politicians meeting in neighbouring Djibouti this week to form an inclusive government with the main Islamist opposition party and elect a new president next week.
The U.N. envoy to the country told Reuters it was time for the feuding legislators to ditch the concept of winner takes all and seek compromise to end nearly 20 years of war.
The interim government and its Ethiopian military backers have failed to bring stability to the volatile Horn of Africa nation, where more than 16,000 people have been killed in the past two years and 1 million others driven from their homes. (Additional reporting by Ibrahim Mohamed and Abdi Sheikh; Writing by Daniel Wallis; editing by Michael Roddy) news ## for search indexer, do not remove -->

Somaliland seizes Eritrean missile launchers in Hargeisa- official

Medeshi
Somaliland seizes Eritrean missile launchers in Hargeisa- official
January 23, 2008 (ADDIS ABABA) — Local authorities in the self-declared enclave of Somaliland said they seized 10 anti-aircraft missile launchers in the capital, Hargeisa adding they were brought from Eritrea.
The interior minister, Abdullahi Ismail Irro stated today that police caught two men in a house where 10 small one-time use anti-aircraft missile launchers were stored. He added the origin of the weapons is Eritrea and they were convoyed through, Galgadud, the central Somali region.
The Somaliland official added that investigations are going on with the two arrested men but he didn’t provide further details about who is behind this smuggling or its purpose.
However Somaliland, which has good ties with Ethiopia, witnessed last October a series of car bomb attacks. The local government accused the Eritrean government backed Islamists of Al-Shebaab of killing the 24 people as a result of these blasts.
landlocked Ethiopia, wihich has an office in Hargeisa, uses the Red Sea port of Berbera in the Republic of Somaliland to import fuel and goods.
Somaliland, which covers the northwest of Somalia, declared independence from the rest of the Horn of Africa country in 1991 but is not internationally recognized.

Two year sentence for Eritrean woman in Demark for FGM


Medeshi Jan 24, 2009

Genital mutilation sentence - 2 years
A mother of four has been sentenced to two years for allowing the genital mutilation of her daughters.
Denmark's first case involving parents allowing the genital mutilation of their daughters resulted today in a two-year sentence for the mother
.
( Archive photo: Hudan , 6, screams in pain while undergoing circumcision in Hargeisa, Somalia, June 17, 1996. Her sister Farhyia , 18, holds her so she cannot move. - Foto: JEAN-MARC BOUJU )
The major part of the sentence - 1 year and six months - was conditional, while six months was unconditional. The Eritrean woman will not however have to serve a sentence in prison as she has already been in detention for four-and-a-half months.
Father freed
While the mother was sentenced, the father of the girls was found not guilty. The mother's defence attorney said it had not yet been decided whether the mother would appeal her sentence as a matter of principle.
"The important thing is that my client does not have to go to prison again. Two years sounds a lot, but we will now have to think about whether to appeal," says Attorney Jane Ranum.
Third daughter
Apart from the two daughters - now 10 and 12 years old - who had been genitally mutilated, the parents were also charged with planning to have a third daughter mutilated. Both were, however, found not guilty as charged with this latter offence.
Both parents said they had not known that their daughters were to be mutilated. The mother explained in court that she had believed that her daughters were to be treated for a worm infection when her sister took them to a clinic.
Arrested
The parents were arrested in the summer of 2008 when a pre-school teacher claimed to overhear a conversation in which the parents were said to be planning to travel to Sudan to have a now 6 year-old daughter genitally mutliated.
The family father came to Denmark in 1991 as a political refugee. Originally from Eritrea, the parents had lived for several years in Sudan.
Ban
Female genital mutliation - sometimes termed circumcision - has been a criminal offence in Denmark since 2003.

Bush's War on Terror Comes to a Sudden End

Medeshi
Bush's War On Terror Comes to a Sudden End
By Dana PriestWashington Post Staff Writer
Friday, January 23, 2009
President Obama yesterday eliminated the most controversial tools employed by his predecessor against terrorism suspects. With the stroke of his pen, he effectively declared an end to the "war on terror," as President George W. Bush had defined it, signaling to the world that the reach of the U.S. government in battling its enemies will not be limitless.
While Obama says he has no plans to diminish counterterrorism operations abroad, the notion that a president can circumvent long-standing U.S. laws simply by declaring war was halted by executive order in the Oval Office.
Key components of the secret structure developed under Bush are being swept away: The military's Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, facility, where the rights of habeas corpus and due process had been denied detainees, will close, and the CIA is now prohibited from maintaining its own overseas prisons. And in a broad swipe at the Bush administration's lawyers, Obama nullified every legal order and opinion on interrogations issued by any lawyer in the executive branch after Sept. 11, 2001.
It was a swift and sudden end to an era that was slowly drawing to a close anyway, as public sentiment grew against perceived abuses of government power. The feisty debate over the tactics employed against al-Qaeda began more than six years ago as whispers among confidants with access to the nation's most tightly held secrets. At the time, there was consensus in Congress and among the public that the United States would be attacked again and that government should do what was necessary to thwart the threat.
The CIA, which had taken the lead on counterterrorism operations worldwide, asked intelligence contacts around the globe to help its teams of covert operatives and clandestine military units identify, kill or capture terrorism suspects. They set up their first interrogation center in a compound walled off by black canvas at Bagram air base in Afghanistan, and more at tiny bases throughout that country, where detainees could be questioned outside military rules and the protocols of the Geneva Conventions, which lay out the standards for treatment of prisoners of war.
As the CIA recruited young case officers, polygraphers and medical personnel to work on interrogation teams, the agency's leaders asked its allies in Thailand and Eastern Europe to set up secret prisons where people such as Khalid Sheik Mohammed and Ramzi Binalshibh could be held in isolation and subjected to extreme sleep and sensory deprivation, waterboarding and sexual humiliation. These tactics are not permitted under military rules or the Geneva Conventions.
Over time, a tiny circle of federal employees outside these teams got access to some of the reports of interrogations. Some were pleased by the new aggressiveness. Others were horrified. They began to push back gingerly, as did an even smaller number of congressional officials briefed on the reports.
Eventually their worries reached a handful of reporters trying to confirm rumors of people who seemed to have disappeared: a Pakistani microbiologist spirited away in the dead of night in Indonesia. An Afghan prisoner frozen to death at a base code-named the Salt Pit. A German citizen who did not get back on his bus at a border crossing in Macedonia.
Front companies and fictitious people were used to hide a system of aircraft that carried terrorism suspects to "undisclosed locations" and to third countries under a little-known practice called rendition.
Unlike the federal employees, who could go to jail for disclosing the classified program, the reporters and their news outlets were protected by the Constitution -- but not from government pressure. Then-CIA Director Porter J. Goss and, later, Bush summoned top editors of The Washington Post to press their case against disclosing the existence of the secret prison network.
The published reports in The Post and elsewhere earned the news media sharp recriminations from the administration, the Republican leadership in Congress and the public. Government leak investigations were launched. Bush administration officials argued that such methods and operations were necessary to effectively thwart terrorism, noting to this day that there have been no major attacks since 2001.
If there were dissenters back then, they were largely silent.
But in Europe, the reports set off a firestorm of criticism and government investigations in nearly every capital. Washington was pressured to move prisoners out of the secret jails. U.S. government officials scattered throughout the national security and foreign policy agencies scrambled to learn more about operations they knew little about. A growing chorus within the CIA and the State Department began to question how long the secret system of detention and interrogation could survive, and drew up plans for an alternative.
By then, the color-coded terrorist alerts had ended. Police disappeared from roadblocks around the Capitol. Washington the fortress drew millions of visitors again. Some Democratic members of Congress replaced the "war on terror" phraseology with language indicating vigilance and persistence, but not unending combat and military-only options.
On Sept. 6, 2006, Bush announced the transfer of 14 "high-value detainees" from secret prisons to Guantanamo. He suspended the CIA program, but defended its utility and reserved the right to reopen it. The secret was officially out.
Over the next 2 1/2 years, as Democrats gained power in Congress, as the violence in Iraq sapped public support for the president and as the fear of another terrorist attack receded, the debate over secret prisons, renditions and harsh interrogations grew louder. Presidential candidates felt comfortable to include these sensitive subjects in the debate on the efficiency of Bush's war against terrorists, and even on the notion that it was still a war.
During his campaign and again in his inaugural address Tuesday, Obama used a different lexicon to describe operations to defeat terrorists. "As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals," he said. ". . . And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you."
Somaliland: Intelligence Seize Portable Anti-Aircraft Weapons
Fri, Jan 23, 2009
Featured News, Somaliland
Hargeisa (Somalilandpress - Jan 23 2009) - Somaliland Intelligence backed by the Police forces seized a number of portable anti-aircraft weapons in one of the houses inside Hargeisa. The news suggests that around 10 pieces of this weapons have been seized and three persons are arrested over the issue.It is not clear where these weapns came from but uncofirmed news said it has been delieved from Somalia by road and the Somaliland security forces have been following the issue since the last few days.
The Somaliland’s Interior Minister, Mr. Abdilahi Irro said the the weapons were originally sent from Eritrea through Galguduud region of Somalia.This is coming after several suicide bombings targetted UNDP office, Ethiopian Trade Office and the Presidential Palace in Hargesa in October 2008 where 24 persons died and many others were wounded. Somaliland announced that Alshabaab were behind the attacks.

Ethiopia Provides Scholarship for Somaliland Students
Fri, Jan 23, 2009
Featured News, Somaliland
Hargeisa (somalilandpress - 23 Jan 2009) - The Somaliland Ministers of Planning, Foreign Affairs and Finance participated in a event organized for 11 students going to Ethiopia for scholarship. The head of the Ethiopian Trade Office in Somaliland also participated in the event which was held in Maansoor hotel.
The Ethiopian government provided this scholarship for 11 students who are the government employees to improve their level of study and skills. The students will attend the Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia starting from this year.
The Ministers said this is a beginning of more collaboration between the two country in terms of scholarships and improving the government employees capacity and knowledge by providing such scholarships.
“To go and study in a foreign country is not easy and it is where people differ from each other. Remember you are carrying the flag of your country whenever you go” said the Minister of Foreign Affairs telling the students to maintain a regular contact with the Somaliland embassy in Addis.
The Minister of Planning thanked the both the Labor Office and the Civil Education Institute for their continuous efforts to build the capacity of the employees.

Obama Starts Reversing Bush Policies


Medeshi
Obama Starts Reversing Bush Policies

Guantanamo Order Readied; Lobbying Rules Tightened
By Michael D. ShearWashington Post Staff Writer

Thursday, January 22, 2009
President Obama moved swiftly yesterday to begin rolling back eight years of his predecessor's policies, ordering tough new ethics rules and preparing to issue an order closing the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, which has been at the center of the debate over the treatment of U.S. prisoners in the battle against terrorism.
Acting to address several promises he made during his campaign, Obama met with top generals about speeding the withdrawal from Iraq and gathered his senior economic advisers as he continued to push for a massive spending bill to create jobs.
He also signed a series of executive orders and directives intended to slow the revolving door between government service and lobbying, and ordered his administration to share information more freely with the public.
Today, he will issue another order calling for the closure of Guantanamo Bay within a year, an immediate case-by-case review of the 245 detainees remaining there, and the application of new rules governing the treatment and interrogation of prisoners, including compliance with international treaties that the Bush administration deemed inapplicable to suspects in terrorism cases.
Just hours after his inauguration Tuesday, Obama ordered the suspension of all judicial proceedings at Guantanamo Bay under the auspices of the Bush administration's military commissions system. What is to be done with the prisoners will be part of the review, sources said. Listed options include repatriation to their home nations or a willing third country, civil trials in this country, or a special civil or military system. Prisoners are to be released or transferred on a rolling basis as soon as individual cases are reviewed and determinations made as to whether the detainees can and should be prosecuted, and where.
White House counsel Gregory B. Craig, who has spent the past several weeks drafting the orders, and discussed them with senior Democratic lawmakers in recent days, briefed House Republicans on Capitol Hill yesterday. Rep. C.W. Bill Young (R-Fla.) said Craig told members of Congress to expect "several" executive orders on Guantanamo Bay, including closure of the prison, but did not provide specific language.
House Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) said in a statement that "there are important questions that must be answered before the terrorist detainee facility at Guantanamo Bay can be closed. The key question is where do you put these terrorists?"
Sources familiar with the briefings said Obama also will sign two executive orders altering CIA detention and interrogation rules, limiting interrogation standards in all U.S. facilities worldwide to those outlined in the Army Field Manual, and prohibiting the agency from secretly holding terrorist detainees in third-country prisons.
The actions are dramatic evidence that Obama is ready to use his authority and political capital to turn back some of the most controversial practices of George W. Bush's administration. They also suggest that he believes he needs to push quickly for broad changes.
"What a moment we're in. What an opportunity we have to change this country," Obama said as he announced the new lobbying and disclosure rules during a meeting with his senior staff yesterday.
In a frenetic first full day in office, Obama was everywhere: alone in the Oval Office; in the front pew at an inaugural prayer service at the Washington National Cathedral; swearing in his staff at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building; and, for the first time, meeting with his generals in the White House Situation Room.
Out of an abundance of caution, Obama also welcomed Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. to the White House to re-administer the oath of office after the two men fumbled some of the wording during Tuesday's inaugural proceedings.
The new president's day started with a quiet visit to the Oval Office. After a night of dancing at 10 inaugural balls, he arrived at 8:35 a.m., sitting alone for 10 minutes in one of the world's most famous rooms, aides said.
He read a note that Bush had left for him in a desk drawer, a tradition that dates back several presidents. The note was in an envelope marked "To: #44, From: #43," according to a statement from Obama press secretary Robert Gibbs, who did not disclose its contents.
Later in the morning, Obama attended the prayer service. But the serenity of the cathedral quickly gave way to the grinding reality of Obama's new responsibilities, as he placed calls to Middle East leaders, plunging into an arena about which he had remained silent during the 77-day transition period.
Sitting behind an almost bare desk in the Oval Office, Obama called President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel, King Abdullah II of Jordan and President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority. Obama pledged "active engagement" for a fragile cease-fire between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, aides said.
"In the aftermath of the Gaza conflict, he emphasized his determination to work to help consolidate the cease-fire by establishing an effective anti-smuggling regime to prevent Hamas from re-arming, and facilitating in partnership with the Palestinian Authority a major reconstruction effort for Palestinians in Gaza," Gibbs said in a statement.
Today, Obama and Vice President Biden will meet at the State Department with Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who was confirmed 94 to 2 by the Senate yesterday. Obama plans to announce the selection of former Senate majority leader George J. Mitchell (D-Maine) as Middle East envoy, and former U.N. ambassador Richard Holbrooke as envoy for Afghanistan, Pakistan "and related matters," sources close to the administration said.
Mitchell, who is expected to travel to the region almost immediately upon taking the post, will be charged with restarting the Middle East peace process after the three weeks of violence between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas.
Obama's hour-long discussion with senior national security, military and diplomatic advisers centered on the situation in Iraq and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. Obama listened to presentations by Army Gen. David H. Petraeus, head of U.S. Central Command, and Gen. Ray Odierno, the U.S. commander in Iraq.
The president issued no orders, sources said, but instead outlined his goal of withdrawing all combat troops within 16 months, with a "residual force" of undetermined size remaining to protect U.S. diplomatic and other civilian officials, train Iraqi security forces, and conduct limited counterinsurgency operations. The sources said the war in Afghanistan was only briefly mentioned.
Ali al-Dabbagh, an Iraqi government spokesman, said in an interview yesterday that U.S. officials had not conveyed any specific timetable to officials in his country. But he said the government is speeding up what he called "readiness of its forces" in case of an early withdrawal.
In a statement, Obama said he had "asked the military leadership to engage in additional planning necessary to execute a responsible military drawdown from Iraq." The statement also said Obama will visit the Pentagon to meet with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and plans "a full review of the situation in Afghanistan."
The lobbying rules announced yesterday aim to end what has become a way of life in Washington, where those serving in an administration collect chits that are quickly cashed in once they depart government. Under the new rules, presidential appointees who leave office will not be allowed to lobby any federal agency as long as Obama remains in office.
"It's not about advantaging yourself. It's not about advancing your friends or your corporate clients. It's not about advancing an ideological agenda or the special interests of any organization," Obama told Cabinet members and senior staff at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building. "Public service is, simply and absolutely, about advancing the interests of Americans."
The disclosure rules turn existing law on its head, requiring the government to err on the side of releasing information, not on the side of keeping documents and records secret.
"The old rules said that if there was a defensible argument for not disclosing something to the American people, then it should not be disclosed. That era is over now," Obama declared.
Staff writers Karen DeYoung and Shailagh Murray and staff researcher Julie Tate in Washington and correspondent Anthony Shadid and special correspondent Qais Mizher in Baghdad contributed to this report.

Abdillahi Yussuf seeks asylum in Yemen

Medeshi
Former Somali president seeks asylum in Yemen
By AHMED AL-HAJ
SANA, Yemen Somalia's former president, an ex-warlord who was forced from government, sought political asylum in Yemen, arriving Tuesday in a private jet from his impoverished homeland, an aide and a Yemeni security official said.
One of the former president's aides confirmed that Abdullahi Yusuf was offered a permanent home in Yemen, which lies across the Gulf of Aden from Somalia.
Yusuf's decision to seek asylum confirms his retirement from politics in the impoverished Horn of Africa nation, which has not had a functioning government since 1991.
The 75-year-old former warlord resigned in December following a series of public quarrels with his prime minister.
The aide said it was possible Yusuf could return to Somalia or move to a third country, such as the United Arab Emirates or Saudi Arabia.
Yemen and Somalia are two of the world's poorest countries, according to the U.N. Human Development Index.
Yusuf and his family arrived in Yemen aboard a private jet, said the Yemeni security official, adding that the former president will stay at a hotel for few days before moving to a house provided for him.
Both the official and the aide asked for anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.
Two years ago, Ethiopian troops intervened on Yusuf's behalf to drive an Islamic administration out of the Somali capital and much of the country's south. But after Yusuf's government was unable to deliver security or social services, the Islamist insurgency began to regain ground until it controlled all of central and southern Somalia.
The Somali government's presence is now limited to pockets of the capital, Mogadishu, and the parliamentary seat of Baidoa.
The Islamists have splintered into several factions and some have begun fighting each other, raising fears that Somalia may sink deeper into chaos.

Obama Takes Oath, and Nation in Crisis Embraces the Moment

Medeshi
January 21, 2009
Obama Takes Oath, and Nation in Crisis Embraces the Moment
By PETER BAKER
WASHINGTON — Barack Hussein Obama was sworn in as the 44th president of the United States on Tuesday and promised to “begin again the work of remaking America” on a day of celebration that climaxed a once-inconceivable journey for the man and his country. (After the inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol, Barack and Michelle Obama walked part of the way down Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House. )
Mr. Obama, the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas, inherited a White House built partly by slaves and a nation in crisis at home and abroad. The moment captured the imagination of much of the world as more than a million flag-waving people bore witness while Mr. Obama recited the oath with his hand on the same Bible that Abraham Lincoln used at his inauguration 148 years ago.
Beyond the politics of the occasion, the sight of a black man climbing the highest peak electrified people across racial, generational and partisan lines. Mr. Obama largely left it to others to mark the history explicitly, making only passing reference to his own barrier-breaking role in his 18-minute Inaugural Address, noting how improbable it might seem that “a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.”
But confronted by the worst economic situation in decades, two overseas wars and the continuing threat of Islamic terrorism, Mr. Obama sobered the celebration with a grim assessment of the state of a nation rocked by home foreclosures, shuttered businesses, lost jobs, costly health care, failing schools, energy dependence and the threat of climate change. Signaling a sharp and immediate break with the presidency of George W. Bush, he vowed to usher in a “new era of responsibility” and restore tarnished American ideals.
“Today, I say to you that the challenges we face are real,” Mr. Obama said in the address, delivered from the west front of the Capitol. “They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America, they will be met.”
The vast crowd that thronged the Mall on a frigid but bright winter day was the largest to attend an inauguration in decades, if not ever. Many then lined Pennsylvania Avenue for a parade that continued well past nightfall on a day that was not expected to end for Mr. Obama until late in the night with the last of 10 inaugural balls.
Mr. Bush left the national stage quietly, doing nothing to upstage his successor. After hosting the Obamas for coffee at the White House and attending the ceremony at the Capitol, Mr. Bush hugged Mr. Obama, then left through the Rotunda to head back to Texas. “Come on, Laura, we’re going home,” he was overheard telling Mrs. Bush.
The inauguration coincided with more bad news from Wall Street, with the Dow Jones industrial average down more than 300 points on indications of further trouble for banks.
The spirit of the day was also marred by the hospitalization of Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, whose endorsement helped propel Mr. Obama to the Democratic nomination last year. Mr. Kennedy, who has been fighting a malignant brain tumor, suffered a seizure at a Capitol luncheon after the ceremony and was wheeled out on a stretcher.
The pageantry included some serious business. Shortly after he and Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr.were sworn in, Mr. Obama ordered all pending Bush regulations frozen for a legal and policy review. He also signed formal nomination papers for his cabinet, and the Senate quickly confirmed seven nominees: the secretaries of homeland security, energy, agriculture, interior, education and veterans’ affairs and the director of the Office of Management and Budget.
When he arrives in the Oval Office on Wednesday, aides said, Mr. Obama will get to work on some of his priorities. He plans to convene his national security team and senior military commanders to discuss his plans to pull combat troops out of Iraq and bolster those in Afghanistan. He also plans to sign executive orders to start closing the detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, and could reverse Mr. Bush’s restrictions on financing for groups that promote or provide information about abortion.
Delays in the confirmation process have left both the State Department and the Treasury Department in the hands of caretakers. But Hillary Rodham Clinton was expected to win Senate confirmation as secretary of state on Wednesday, and the Pentagon remains under the control of Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, who was kept on from the Bush administration and did not attend the inauguration so someone in the line of succession would survive in case of terrorist attack.
In his address, Mr. Obama praised Mr. Bush “for his service to our nation as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.” But he also offered implicit criticism, condemning what he called “our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.”
He went on to assure the rest of the world that change had come. “To all other peoples and governments who are watching today,” Mr. Obama said, “from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born, know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.”
Some of Mr. Obama’s supporters booed and taunted Mr. Bush when he emerged from the Capitol to take his place on stage, at one point singing, “Nah, nah, nah, nah, hey, hey, hey, goodbye.” By day’s end, Mr. Bush had landed in Texas, where he defended his presidency and declared that he was “coming home with my head held high.”
The departing vice president, Dick Cheney, appeared at the ceremony in a wheelchair after suffering a back injury moving the day before and was also booed.
The nation’s 56th inauguration drew waves of people from all corners and filled the expanse between the Capitol and the Washington Monument. For the first transition in power since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, much of the capital was under exceptionally tight security, with a two-square-mile swath under the strictest control. Bridges from Virginia were closed to regular traffic and more than 35,000 civilian and military personnel were on duty.
Mr. Obama secured at least part of his legacy the moment he walked into the White House on Tuesday, 146 years after the Emancipation Proclamation, 108 years after the first black man dined in the mansion with a president and 46 years after the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. declared his dream of equality.
Mr. Obama, just 47 years old and four years out of the Illinois State Senate, arrived at this moment on the unlikeliest of paths, vaulted to the forefront of national politics on the strength of stirring speeches, early opposition to the Iraq war and public disenchantment with the Bush era. His scant record of achievement at the national level proved less important to voters than his embodiment of change.
His foreign-sounding name, his childhood in Hawaii and Indonesia and his skin color made him a unique figure in the annals of presidential campaigns, yet he toppled two of the best brand names in American politics — Mrs. Clinton in the primaries and Senator John McCain in the general election.
Mr. Obama himself is descended on his mother’s side from ancestors who owned slaves and he can trace his family tree to Jefferson Davis, the president of the Confederacy. The power of the moment was lost on no one as the Rev. Joseph E. Lowery, one of the towering figures of the civil rights movement, gave the benediction and called for “inclusion, not exclusion; tolerance, not intolerance.”
The Rev. Rick Warren, a conservative minister selected by Mr. Obama to give the invocation despite protests from liberals, told the crowd, “We know today that Dr. King and a great cloud of witnesses are shouting in heaven.”
For all that, Mr. Obama used the occasion to address “this winter of our hardship” and promote his plan for vast federal spending accompanied by tax cuts to stimulate the economy and begin addressing energy, environmental and infrastructure needs.
“Now there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans,” he said. “Their memories are short, for they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose and necessity to courage.”
He also essentially renounced the curtailment of liberties in the name of security, saying he would “reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.” He struck a stiff note on terrorism, saying Americans “will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense.”
“For those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken,” he said. “You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.”
But Mr. Obama also added a message to Islamic nations, a first from the inaugural lectern. “To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect,” Mr. Obama said. “To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history — but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.”
Mr. Obama’s public day started at 8:45 a.m. when he and his wife, Michelle, left Blair House for a service at St. John’s Church, then joined the Bushes, Cheneys and Bidens for coffee at the White House.
The Obamas’ daughters, Malia, 10, and Sasha, 7, joined them at the Capitol, as did Mrs. Clinton and Mr. McCain, as well as former Presidents Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter and the elder George Bush.
While emotional for many, the ceremony did not go entirely according to plan. Mr. Biden was sworn in by Justice John Paul Stevens behind schedule at 11:57 a.m., and Mr. Obama did not take the oath until 12:05 p.m., five minutes past the constitutionally proscribed transfer of power.
Moreover, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. stumbled over the 35-word oath, causing Mr. Obama to repeat it out of the constitutional order. Instead of swearing that he “will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States,” Mr. Obama swore that he “will execute the office of president of the United States faithfully.”
Following time-honored rituals, the Obamas attended lunch with lawmakers in Statuary Hall at the Capitol, then rode and walked to the White House, where they watched the parade from a bulletproof reviewing stand. They planned to attend all 10 official inaugural balls before spending their first night in the White House.
In his Inaugural Address, Mr. Obama seemed at times to be having a virtual dialogue with his predecessors. “What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility,” he said, “a recognition on the part of every American that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly.” Mr. Bush and Mr. Clinton likewise called for responsibility at their inaugurations, but Mr. Obama offered little sense of what exactly he wanted Americans to do.
Mr. Obama also seemed to take issue with Ronald Reagan, who declared when he took office in 1981 that “government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.” Mr. Clinton rebutted that in 1997, saying, “government is not the problem and government is not the solution.”
Mr. Obama offered a new formulation: “The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small but whether it works, whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end.”
Mr. Clinton, at least, applauded the message. In a brief interview afterward, he said Mr. Obama’s installation could change the way America was viewed.
“It’s obviously historic because President Obama is the first African-American president, but it’s more than that,” Mr. Clinton said. “This is a time when we’re clearly making a new beginning. It’s a country of repeated second-chances and new beginnings.”

Obama's Moment Arrives


Medeshi
Obama's Moment Arrives
Historians Say He Could Redefine the Presidency
By Barton GellmanWashington Post Staff Writer

Tuesday, January 20, 2009
Barack Obama takes office today with a realistic prospect of joining the ranks of history's most powerful presidents.
The more familiar observation, that he confronts daunting trials, enhances that prospect. Emergencies have always brought commensurate new authority for the presidents who faced them, not only because the public demanded action but also because rival branches of government went along.
Obama arrives with a rare convergence of additional strengths, some of them inherited and some of his own making. Predicting a presidency, to be sure, is hazardous business, and much will depend on Obama's choices and fortune. But historians, recent White House officials and senior members of the incoming team expressed broad agreement that Obama begins his term in command of an office that is at or near its historic zenith.
"The opportunity is there for Obama to recast the very nature of the presidency," said Sean Wilentz, a presidential historian at Princeton. "Not since Reagan have we had as capable a persuader as Obama, and not since FDR has a president come in with quite the configuration of foreign and domestic crises that open up such a possibility for the reconstruction of the executive."
No president has begun his term with so broad a wave of public confidence -- 78 percent approval in the most recent Gallup poll. There are precedents for single-party control of the White House and Congress, but the early signs suggest that House and Senate Democrats will be far more united in loyalty to Obama than their counterparts were to President Jimmy Carter. The Republican opposition, by contrast, appears to be as fractured as at any time since Barrry Goldwater's landslide defeat in 1964. If Obama keeps the loyalty of the online social networks he used to win election, with unprecedented success in fundraising and recruiting, his White House could be the first to harness a meaningful grass-roots movement as an ongoing tool of governance.
The federal government itself is a far more potent instrument, in its breadth and depth of command over national life, than it has ever been before. Largely in response to the threat of terrorism, the Bush years and President Bill Clinton's two terms saw "an incredible period of state-building that's unrivaled in American history except by the creation of the national security state in the 1940s and '50s," said Jack Balkin, a professor of constitutional law at Yale whose blog, Balkinization, is often cited by members of the Obama team.
By necessity or design, and most often by passive acquiescence, Congress and the courts have let presidents do most of the steering of the new and expanded institutions that govern finance, commerce, communications, travel, energy production and especially intelligence gathering. When there were struggles for dominance among the three branches, most of them ended with lopsided victories for the executive.
The legislative power to declare war and ratify treaties, for example, has been deeply eroded by the practice of presidents to launch military operations on their own and to make major international commitments -- such as December's "status of forces" pact with Iraq -- by "executive agreement" rather than by treaty requiring a two-thirds Senate vote. After lengthy controversy over warrantless domestic surveillance in the Bush administration, Congress authorized the program without obtaining any details about what, exactly, is collected and how it is used.
"Really, in the last 80 years we've seen a gradual, and at times not gradual, concentration of power in the executive office," said William P. Marshall, who served as deputy White House counsel under Clinton.
Obama's style of governance will not be President George W. Bush's, but it may not differ quite as much as some supporters expect.
Bush defined his power as supremacy over Congress and courts, adopting Vice President Cheney's doctrine of unbounded freedom of action for the commander in chief and chief law enforcement officer. Eight years of legal and political combat have dealt setbacks to those claims, primarily regarding the detention and treatment of suspected terrorists.
Some Bush administration lawyers now maintain that the president's power has suffered because of it.
"The president's executive authority has been diminished as a result of the national security legal controversies over the last eight years," State Department legal adviser John B. Belling

III said in an interview. "I don't think the courts and Congress are just going to back off completely because the Obama administration is in office."
Jack L. Goldsmith, who held a senior post in the Justice Department, said White House overreaching brought a backlash in which "judicial power has increased at the expense of presidential war power."
Even so, Bellinger and Goldsmith acknowledged that the president usually emerged the victor in practice.
The Supreme Court and Congress insisted, for example, that Bush comply with the Geneva Conventions' ban on "cruel" and "inhuman" interrogations, but thus far they have left it up to the president to interpret those terms. No case or statute impaired the Bush administration's assertion that waterboarding -- a form of controlled suffocation that mimics drowning -- is lawful even now.
Geoffrey Stone, a scholar of executive authority at the University of Chicago Law School, said of Bush: "By overstating something, sometimes you may lose 90 percent of what you overstate, but you wind up moving the residual center line. . . . The limits that have been placed have not come close to the powers that have been concentrated."
Obama disagrees with Bush on waterboarding, and he has pledged to take greater heed of Congress, but he has not disowned the broader assertion that a president may disregard a statute or judge's ruling. Dawn E. Johnsen, Obama's nominee to lead the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel, is best known for vigorous critiques of overreaching by Bush and Cheney. But her popular commentaries in Slate and elsewhere have diverted attention from scholarly writings that make a subtler point. Just last year, in the Boston Law Review, she affirmed that "in many circumstances, Presidents may develop, declare, and act upon distinctive, principled constitutional views that do not track those of the Supreme Court or Congress." The trouble with Bush was not that he asserted the power, she wrote, but that he used it wrongly.
A parallel point of view applies to legislation, and to the division of labor between statutes and executive orders.
John D. Podesta, a former White House chief of staff who led the new administration's transition team, was careful to distinguish between Obama's promise to "keep the dialogue with Congress" and his willingness to compromise on core objectives.
"He certainly comes into office with a very powerful set of executive authorities, and I suspect that he will use those authorities in order to get the key policy goals accomplished that he's set for the people," Podesta said in an interview Sunday, referring explicitly to inherent constitutional powers as well as legislation. "Political power gives him the capacity, I suppose, to kind of roll over his opposition, but what he's shown is a keen understanding that lots of change comes when you have dialogue, reach out to Congress and take account of it. That's not to say he'll adjust the goals that he laid before the public in the election."
At the same time, the Obama team is keenly aware, as one top-ranking member of the incoming White House staff said, that "how he chooses to lead, and the kind of choices he makes, will dictate how it all comes out." He added: "Presidential leadership is an ephemeral thing if it's not exercised well or not focused on the right objectives."
Information technology, and the executive's control of its fruits, are widely cited in explaining presidential dominance over Congress. Every recent president has regarded himself as the primary judge of what information to share and what to withhold on grounds of executive privilege or national security.
Here Obama inherits a battle from Bush and Cheney. The Bush administration resisted demands from the House Judiciary Committee, under chairman John Conyers Jr.(D-Mich.), for testimony and records that might expose improper political motives for firing U.S. attorneys. When the committee subpoenaed former White House counsel Harriet E. Miers and Chief of Staff Joshua

B. Bolten, the administration asserted a startling new claim that "the president and his advisers are absolutely immune from testimonial compulsion by a Congressional committee," meaning that Miers and Bolten not only could decline to answer specific questions but need not even show up.
U.S. District Judge John D. Bates ruled last July that the argument was "without any support in the case law," and he ordered Miers to testify. But her successor, Fred Fielding , restated on Friday, in a letter made available to The Washington Post , that "the president directs her . . . not to appear."
Briefs in the Bush administration's appeal are due on Feb. 18, and it will be up to Obama to choose the next step. In a July campaign appearance, Obama called the Bush position "completely misguided," but now he faces the prospect that a future committee might subpoena his own staff.
"It's in everybody's interest to have a negotiated settlement," said Perry Apelbaum, the House committee's chief of staff, and sources close to the incoming Justice team predicted that Obama would find a way to finesse the conflict.
The very ambition of Obama's program, which has grown in proportion to the scale of the global economic collapse, augurs a potentially transformative term in office. Bush's agenda was aggressively expansionist when it came to national security and to his own autonomy as president, but in many spheres he aimed to diminish government's role. There were exceptions, with the No Child Left Behind Act and the Medicare drug benefit, but the central plank of Bush's domestic program called for reducing the government's share of national income and its role as regulator of the environment, free markets and civil rights.
Now there is broad acceptance of a rescue package that comes close to nationalizing large swaths of the private economy. Even in its first iteration, the government's $700 billion expenditure to shore up U.S. financial systems will rival the roughly $1 trillion a year in "discretionary" federal spending -- the portion of the budget, not including interest on loans and mandatory benefits such as Social Security, that is negotiated each year between the White House and Congress. Obama, who told The Post last week that he must "go big" in response to "the biggest emergency since World War II," has spoken elliptically of the prospect that the cost could double.
Congress, the principal power of which is thought to be control of the national purse, has made little pretense of managing these vast expenditures. It will fall to Obama and his subordinates to decide winners and losers in the banking, financial services, automobile and other major industries, a span of control that dwarfs President Harry S. Truman's attempt to seize control of steel production.
The scale of the rescue package undoubtedly means far less money available for other spending priorities, which at first glance may seem to spell doom for expensive campaign promises such as universal health insurance. But the incoming president and his staff appear to be sidestepping that obstacle with a very broad definition of economic rescue.
Obama is arguing, in public and private, that a stable recovery will require fundamental changes in the nation's health-care system and energy infrastructure. Aides said he is signaling that he will try to pay for those changes, in part, with the vast sums authorized for economic recovery.
Beyond even that, Obama is citing the crisis as a moment of opportunity -- in fact, of obligation -- to address the structural imbalance between the defined benefits of Medicare and Social Security and the resources available to meet them. That imbalance has been well known for many years, but several presidents, including Bush, have broken their swords on the strong political resistance to anything that smacks of increased taxes or reduced benefits. Obama told The Post that he will seek a new "bargain" with Americans that would bring the costs of those programs under control.
Obama advisers are aware of the risks of taking on too many tasks at once or of provoking a backlash with too muscular a claim of authority.
"Obviously you want to avoid squandering power, and you want to avoid any sense that you're abusing power," said a top-ranking member of the new White House staff who spoke on the condition of anonymity. He and others cited Obama's promises to include Republicans in consultations and to increase the transparency of White House deliberations.
But the greatest risk, as the new team sees it, is not in tackling too much.
Said Podesta: "The danger is in undershooting rather than overreaching, given the problems the country is facing."
Staff researcher Julie Tate contributed to this report.

"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa

Medeshi Jan 20, 2009
"I have a dream" Someday Somaliland will Emerge Strongly in Africa
Somaliland is a victim of unspeakable horror of African Union diplomacy, where diplomatic connections and unwritten traditional codes are strong; Somaliland Cause of independence is facing a significant obstacle from the union. The African leaders have failed to hear the voice of freedom of the people of Somaliland for the last 19 years.
Surprisingly, Somaliland struggle for freedom and liberty within African Union is much more difficult than that of 20th century against the white British. Somaliland, a former British Colony, won independence on 26th June 1960 from Great Britain, and mistakenly united with Somalia on 1st July 1960, just four days later. Thirty four African countries recognized Somaliland in these four days, but today after 19 years of struggle to get back its independence from Somalia, the African Union looks very stubborn toward Somaliland independence without having proper reason.
The African diplomacy is overlooking the democracy and social progress in Somaliland, in which Somaliland achieved without the support of African Union and International community. However, this is against the charter of African Union, which assures fair treatment and handling to all African issues.
As Luther Martin King Jr. said, "let us not stumble in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even tough we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow." I still have dream that Somaliland will be independent one day, and children/citizens will get back their lost diplomatic rights and will freely move across the world with bride and dignity.
I have a dream, that Somaliland Passport will be most beloved travel document. Somaliland citizens and businessmen will trade freely, and students will join international universities with Somaliland High School Certificates. Somalilanders have lost all these rights due to African Union´s illegal diplomatic embargo on Somaliland.
African Union should stop alienating Somaliland and grant rights of life liberty to its citizens. The union, which is neutral to all Africans according to its charter, should look into Somaliland's cause without considering the traditional AU agenda of not accepting new members.
African Union protects the colonial border, but in other hand, rejects Somaliland based on colonial border. Is this logic? Can the union respect colonial borders across the continent except Somaliland? Somaliland government has submitted membership application to the African Union, and is waiting a positive reply from the union. Somaliland is demanding restoration of its colonial border.
Somaliland fulfilled all requirements of nationhood according to African Union and United Nations charters. However, it remains victim of no-reason because neither African Union nor United Nation is giving Somaliland clear reason to reject Somaliland´s statehood.
Some illogical people believe that the ´failed state of Somalia´ should not be divided or separated. But currently there is nothing called Somalia, and the country has fallen into its knees more than 20 years ago. Somalia sets an example of failure, without any sign of recovering from that failure. Somalia felt into endless comma, so why African Union is forcing Somaliland to wait Somalia until it wakes up from the comma? Will AU continue to force Somaliland to wait even for the next 100 years?
Current diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, has alienated it from the rest of the world, and transformed Somaliland into jail. No freedom of movement, education and travel for Somalilanders due to the wrong African Union policies towards it.
The Somalilanders are forced to take-up foreign passports in order to travel freely across the world; the students cannot join international universities like Harvard and Oxford Universities with Somaliland Passport. This is result of diplomatic embargo on Somaliland by the African Union, who overlooked Somaliland demands of independence in last 19 years.
The qualified English-speaking professionals of Somaliland should identify them selves as citizens of Somalia, Ethiopia, or Djibouti…etc in the international job markets because their country, Somaliland, is not recognized diplomatically by African Union. This is creating mistrust in the hearts of these young men and women towards AU. What is it their mistake? Why they don´t have the right to say their true identity as a Somalilander? This is the unfair treatment of African Union and IGAD on Somaliland and its people.
Moreover, these misjudgments did not change Somaliland´s commitment towards better Africa; Somaliland is cooperative with all African countries and organizations. Many African countries have offices in Somaliland capital – Hargiesa, including Ethiopia. Somaliland has trade links with others.
"I have a dream" that Somaliland will overpower the poor policies and diplomatic discrimination by the African Union, and will create brighter future in its part of the world. "I have a dream" that Somaliland will be an oasis of peace and democracy in Africa, and an example to all Africans in development.
Today, overlooked minorities of USA – The African Americans, are making long waited history and occupy the highest post in the country. Barrack Hussein Obama is making history. And for Somaliland, the time will come that Somaliland will occupy the highest post in African Union – Chairman of African Union.
By Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi

Cardiff iyo Daah-furkii Buugaagta (Cardiff Books Launch)

Medeshi Jan 19, 2009
Cardiff iyo Daah-furkii Buugaagta
Buugaag cusub oo lammaane isugu sidkanayd, ayaa sabtidii 13kii Bishii tagtay lagu daah-furay magaalada Cardif.
Xafladda daah-furka oo ay soo qabanqaabisay Jaaliyadda Cardiff, ayaa waxa lagu falanqeeyey labada buug ee kala ah:
Ugu horrayn waxa xafladda furay C/raxmaan Axmed Dooddi oo hadalka ku soo dhoweeyey guddoomiyaha jaaliyadda Cardiif C/raxmaan Cawed oo tilmaamay qiimaha wax-akhrisku ummadaha u leeyahay, isaga oo tusaale u soo qaatay in markii Nebigenna suubban waxyigu ku soo degayey aayaddii ugu horraysay ahayd: “Iqra!” oo ah “Akhri!” Iid Cali Salaan oo isna ka mid ah odayaasha Jaaliyadda ayaa isna madasha hoga-tusaaleeyey ahmiyadda in wax la qoraa dadka ugu fadhido iyo baahida taas maanta loo qabaa inta ay baaxad le’eg tahay.

Intaas ka dib waxa la guda galay daah-furkii buugaagta. “Sida Soomaalidu Geela u Dhaqdo” oo uu qoray Maxamuud X. Ibraahim oo deggan magaalada Oslo, Norway ayaa waxa sharax dheer ka bixiyey qoraaga Maxamed Baashe X. Xasan, isaga oo tilmaamay sababihii curashada buugga, taariikhda geela adduunka iyo saamiga Soomaalidu ka heshay taariikhdaas iyo guud ahaan tirada geela adduunka oo saddex meeloood meel ahaani ku nooshahay arlada Soomaalida. Qoraagu waxa uu tilmaamay aqoonta iyo fekerka ballaadhan oo la xidhiidha habka Soomaalidu geela loo dhaqdo, manaafacaadkiisa kala geddisan, maamulkiisa sida; taranta, sidka, adkaysinka iyo saamaynta uu ku leeyahay afka, hiddaha, dhaqanka, fekerka iyo felsefedda, dhaqaalaha iyo wax-soo-saarka, iyo guud ahaanba kaalinta uu kaga jiro bulshada Soomaaliyeed. Heesaha, gabayada iyo guud ahaan murtida golayaasha geela iyo arlada uu ku dhaqan yahay laga isticmaalo, ayaa galabtaas la soo bandhigay, taas dad badan xiise gaar ku abuurtay.

Buugga labaad ee la soo bandhigayna waxa uu ahaa Hal Aan Tebayey oo laga qoray taariikhda iyo gabayadii abwaankii waddaniga ahaa ee qurbaawiga ahaa Alle ha u naxariito’e Xaaji Aadan Axmed Xasan (Af-qallooc). Warbixin soo jiidatey quluubtii ka qaybgalayaasha xafladdaas oo ku saabsanayd taariikhda la yaabka leh ee Xaaji Aadan Af-qallooc iyo gabayadiisa dhuuxa iyo lafta ka nool, ayaa waxaa soo bandhigay qoraaga buugga Maxamed Baashe X. Xasan.
Xafladda daah-furka buugaagta ee Cardiff, waxa dhextaal u ahaa bandhig suugaaneed. Hal-abuurka Aadan Cumar Maxamed oo loo yaqaan Aadan Gaab oo ka tirsan jaaliyadda Germany. Aadan Gaab waxa uu soo bandhigay maansooyin xiisa badan lahaa oo aqooni ka muuqato, kana hadlayey barbaarinta ubadka iyo qiimaha taariikhda.
Waxa xusuus iyo xiise gaar ah lahaa in xafladdaasi ay ka soo qaybgaleen oo weliba dareen xiise leh muujiyeen dhallinyaro ay da’doodu aad u yar tahay oo xoog u danaynayey dhaqanka, afka iyo suugaantooda.
Hal Aan Tebayey oo laga qoray sooyaalkii iyo gabayadii Alle ha u naxariisto’e abwaankii waddaniga ahaa ee qurbaawiga ahaa Xaaji Aadan Axmed Xasan (Af-qallooc) iyo buuga kaleba hadaad doonayso in’aad mulkido kala xidhiidh Wales- Eng. Awil Saalax Mobile: 07932854645. iyo Abdirahman M-Dooddi mobile: 07939191729.

Remarks at the Arab Economic Summit

Medeshi
Available in: العربية
As Prepared for delivery
Remarks at the Arab Economic Summit
Robert B. Zoellick
President
The World Bank Group
Kuwait
January 19, 2009

Your Highness Emir Sabah al-Ahmad al-Sabah. Your Majesties, Highnesses, Excellencies. Mr. Secretary General of the Arab League. Al-Salamu Alaikum. (Peace be upon you).

Thank you for the invitation to participate in the first Arab Economic Summit. It is a special privilege. I wanted to be here personally to support your effort and to listen and learn from you.

I am particularly pleased to return to Kuwait. It was in Kuwait, when I was speaking at the GCC Banking Conference in 2007, that I received a call to return to Washington to discuss my nomination to head the World Bank Group. So I feel Kuwait launched me to my present post.

During my service as U.S. Trade Representative in earlier years, I spent considerable time with many of you and your countries, because I shared your vision of employing trade to link your economies to wider opportunities, deeper development, and greater growth. I know this is a region with a great history of trade and commerce, which you are committed to restoring and expanding.
I have seen how Arab leaders have taken charge of defining the region’s priorities, identifying the challenges through various declarations – most notably the “Statement on the Process of Development and Modernization” adopted by the Arab Summit in Tunis in 2004. Your priorities – with their emphasis on economic, social, and human development; the alleviation of poverty and illiteracy; protection of the environment; creation of job opportunities and health care in the Arab World – take on an even greater importance today, as we face a global crisis.

Your priorities offer important input to the work of the G-20, whose leaders meet in London this April.
As part of the global response to these dangerous times, I will be urging the G-20 to support a Vulnerability Fund to assist developing countries that cannot afford bailouts and deficits.

This Vulnerability Fund could help meet 3 critical needs. First, poorer countries need safety net programs aligned with their implementation capacity. Second, investment in infrastructure projects that can create jobs while building a foundation for future productivity and growth. And third, finance for small and medium-sized enterprises, so as to help the entrepreneurial private sector create the best safety net: jobs.
The World Bank is ready to assist, through increasing IBRD lending for middle-income countries by $100 billion over 3 years, and fast tracking the $42 billion of IDA grants and no-interest loans for the poorest countries. Through our private sector arm, IFC, we support private investment, recapitalize small banks, assist infrastructure, and scale up trade finance and technical assistance to the private sector. Through our guarantee facilities at MIGA, we can mitigate risks, thereby lowering costs and adding confidence to the private sector.
The Arab World must be part of this global response to crisis. It is a region rich in its natural resources, but more importantly in history, culture, and human potential. It is a region that can – and should – play a larger role in the global economy.
This is necessary if the Arab World is to offer greater opportunities to its own citizens – especially young people. But it is also necessary if international partners are to make progress on shared challenges, from assisting fragile and post-conflict states, to promoting peace, to addressing climate change.
For this reason, shortly after assuming office, I identified working with partners to strengthen development and opportunity in the Arab world as one of the six strategic themes for the World Bank Group.
For too long, the Arab World has been poorly integrated into the global economy, other than through oil. Yet your countries – like all others – are feeling the impact of the global crisis. We can see the effect on government revenues and investment, international trade, consumer confidence, foreign direct investment, and perceived risks and uncertainty by domestic investors. In the Arab World – as elsewhere – the financial crisis that grew into an economic crisis is now becoming an unemployment crisis, and may become a human crisis.

But the challenges facing the Arab World did not start with today’s trials.

Job creation has been a long-standing challenge. Unemployment in the region is high – 14% of the labor force on average, higher than all other regions except Sub-Saharan Africa, and more than double the world average of 6.7%. The unemployment challenge particularly affects young people: youth unemployment is more than twice the overall unemployment rate. Unemployment rates are some 30% higher for women, with a female participation rate in the labor force of only 31% – the lowest in the world.
This has to be linked to education. The quality of education in the Arab World has simply not kept up with the needs of the modern economy. Education systems do not equip students with the skills that they need. Illiteracy remains twice as high as in East Asia or Latin America.

The Arab World must provide meaningful employment to a growing workforce – and these jobs have to come from the private sector. But private sector growth in the region is impeded by barriers to entry and lack of competition, caused by unequal, discretionary, and often preferential arrangements. Improved public sector and corporate governance can help open the door to greater opportunity for more people who want to work and build.
To create jobs, especially for young people, Arab leaders know they need to diversify economies beyond traditional sectors of public sector employment and natural resource extraction; they need to reform education systems; and they need to pursue better trade integration to take advantage of the global market – not just for oil, but for a range of goods and services. Weak regional integration and water scarcity are some of the other key challenges facing the region.

The World Bank Group wants to partner with the Arab World, and stands ready to support your efforts to address these challenges. We are committed to working with the region so that it can truly benefit from inclusive and sustainable globalization.
The Arab World Initiative that we launched last year can support the region’s global and regional integration by sharing successful experiences and partnerships, and identifying solutions to current and future challenges. In our first year, we increased lending to Arab countries to $1.8 billion from $1.2 billion, and IFC boosted its private sector investments to $1.2 billion.
Equally important, we have launched new projects to advance reforms, models of development, and measures of effectiveness.
In the West Bank and Gaza, the Bank Group is assisting Palestinians by providing support in the areas of public sector governance, water and sanitation, municipal development, health and education, social service delivery, and cash transfers to poor and vulnerable families. IFC, our private sector arm, promotes investment in the banking sector, industrial estates, telecom, and tourism, and is working with partners to help finance affordable housing for 30,000 middle- and low-income Palestinian families – a project that can contribute to the broader goal of renewing economic growth in the region.
I would like to add a personal note: Like all of you I have been moved by the tragedy that has befallen the people of Gaza. Most of all, the children, who seem to always bear the brunt of the conflict. I have been in touch with Josette Sheeran, the Executive Director of the World Food Program and others to get first hand accounts and to see how we can support their humanitarian appeal. I will meet with President Abbas today to see how the World Bank can help.

We stand ready to support the international community in Gaza – as well as the West Bank – once the situation stabilizes and allows us to fully resume our development mission.

We have made strides working together on food security and malnutrition in the face of the sharp rise in food prices last year. I would like to recognize in particular Saudi Arabia’s generous contribution of $500 million to the World Food Program.
The World Bank is currently working with the Abu Dhabi Food Control Authority to help build a national food strategy program, and IFC, has been working with the private sector in Dubai, Cairo, and Riyadh to identify investments in agriculture production and supply chain logistics projects, which may offer promising opportunities for South-South cooperation. Our new rapid financing facility assisted Djibouti, Somalia, Southern Sudan, West Bank and Gaza, and Yemen.

While food prices have now declined, many factors underlying the volatility in food prices appear here to stay – and as the largest importers of food, Arab countries are more exposed than others to severe swings in food prices. The World Bank Group is ready to assist countries in the region to improve food security in a variety of ways.
We are also working closely with the Arab, Islamic, and regional Development Funds and Banks on the “Energy for the Poor” initiative launched by Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah last June. This initiative will help the poorest countries meet their energy needs in efficient and sustainable ways. It offers an excellent opportunity to forge a new and effective partnership with the Arab World, with shared responsibility for practical, tangible results.

Yet the Arab World can play a bigger role at the global level.

First, we can advance a development partnership and South-South cooperation. For almost 50 years, Arab societies have been at the forefront of giving development aid. More recently, development aid has not been commensurate with the region’s ability and past generosity. We believe we can work with you to connect aid to your objectives, while achieving greater effectiveness and recognition.
Second, we need to assist with expanding social and economic opportunities in countries within the region or neighboring it.
And third, climate change. The Arab World has been at the receiving end of climate change, with challenges such as desertification and water scarcity. The World Bank can assist.
While Arab and Islamic funds, as well as Sovereign funds, continue to play an important role in providing development assistance and making sound equity investments, there is significant untapped potential for these institutions and for the Bank to work together.
We hope to strengthen our partnership with Arab and Islamic financing agencies: A partnership that builds on the work we are already doing together, and recognizes comparative advantages of different donors. A partnership that achieves real results – for example with the Bank acting as a broker for combining different funding sources and exploring innovative financing of public-private infrastructure.

The economic and social importance of peace in this region is paramount. We need a virtuous cycle of peace, prosperity, and integration – none of which can be achieved without the others.

Of course, the responsibility for defining the region’s priorities must lie first and foremost with the region itself.
At the Bank Group, we are ready to work in partnership with you to achieve these priorities. With effective, accountable institutions; strong support for the business environment; world-class education; full participation of women in society and the economy; and sustainable management of scarce water resources, the region is ready to contribute to, as well as benefit from, an inclusive and sustainable globalization.

Thank you for this opportunity to be with you.
Permanent URL for this page: http://go.worldbank.org/D8RS9I0WR0

Morgan " the Butcher of Hargeisa " announces bid for Somali presidency


Medeshi

Gen. Morgan Announced to Be a Presidential Candidate for Somalia
Sun, Jan 18, 2009
Gen. Mohamed Said Morgan, one of the Somalia’s MPs has announced that he is running for the Presidency in Somalia and has officially submitted his application to the election committee.

Background:

Mohammed Said Hersi (Majeerteen from the sub-clan Abdirahim) received his military training in both Italy and the USA. As a colonel he was commander of the Mogadishu sector, where the elite units of the Armed Forces were stationed . He then went on to become commander of the Red Barets, responsible for the suppression of the revolt of the Majerteen united in the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) in 1982. From 1986 to 1988, as a general, he was the military commander of the 26th military district (the region of Somaliland) and in September 1990 he was appointed as minister of defense and substitute head of state.

In 1988, operations conducted by the Barre government against Somali National Movement (SNM) fighters in the northern part of the country led to the death and imprisonment of thousands of Somaliland civilians by the Somali National Army. Hersi Morgan was in charge of these operations, and thus became known as the "Butcher of Hargeisa."

After the fall of the government on 26 January 1992 Mohammed Said Hersi together with Siad Barre fled from Mogadishu to the South-West of the country. In Gedo he regrouped the army. Together with Barre’s son General Maslah, Mohammed Said Hersi went abroad through Kenya on an arms purchasing mission. According to a report of the Minority Rights Group based in Britain[12] they purchased $27 Million worth of arms and petroleum at various black markets. Mohammed Said Hersi became the chairman of the newly founded Somali National Front (SNF); the remains of the Somali National Army functioned as its militia. The SNF made two efforts (one in April 1991 and the other in April 1992) to recapture the capital Mogadishu. Both efforts failed. The SNF was vanquished by the USC and pushed back to the Kenyan border. It later survived in a diminished form in and around Kismayo. Mohammed Said Hersi then tried to unite the Marehan with the other Darod (Ogaden and Majeerteen) to conquer the region around Kismayo. Siad Barre fled to Kenya in April 1992.[13] On January 8, 1993 Mohammed Said Hersi was one of the signatories of agreement reached at the UN-sponsored Informal Preparatory Meeting on National Reconciliation, and the March 1993 Conference on National Reconciliation in Somalia, both in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[14][15] However, fighting continued in the country unabated.
In December 1993, Mohammed Said Hersi's troops captured Kismayo, and awaited the departure of Belgian UN peacekeepers who were stationed there. His troops had taken advantage of the UN's preoccupation with Mohamed Farah Aidid and had rearmed and regrouped.[16] Mohammed Said Hersi remained in control of Kismayo until 1999. In that period Hersi Morgan cooperated with his former enemies, the Majerteen of the SSDF. Operating from Kismayo, Mohammed Said Hersi was also active in the Kenyan border area. His militia rarely fought those Siyad Hussein, Col. Omar Jess, Ahmed Hashi which also operated in this region; instead they devoted most of their energies to preying upon IDPs and refugees. The area around Dobley refugee camp earned a reputation as one of the most dangerous and violent places in the entire region; women gathering firewood in the bush were routinely raped by predatory militiamen, aid convoys were looted, and refugees subjected to extortion and shakedowns.[17]
After the SNF had split up between Marehan and other factions Hersi had lost his position as leader of that faction. He then joined the Somali Patriot Movement (SPM), which consisted of Darod tribe militias, the Rahanweyn Resistance Army, and the South Somali National Movement (SSNM). Hersi Morgan was head of the self created entity Jubaland between September 3, 1998June 11, 1999. However he lost the territory to the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA) under Ahmed Warsame in 1999 and only briefly recaptured Kismayo on 6-7 Aug 2001. The town remained in the hands of the JVA until 2006.

Transitional National Government
Hersi Morgan was present at the conclusion of the peace Talks in Kenya (2002-2004) in which a transitional Somali Transitional National Government (later to become the Transitional Federal Government) was formed. This conclusion, however, was put to risk in September 2004 by the withdrawal of Said Hersi Morgan, who prepared his forces to attack Kismayu, controlled by the JVA which had ousted him in 1999.
Ambassador Kiplagat requested IGAD to impose sanctions against Hersi Morgan for withdrawing from the peace process. The JVA and other warlords began to mobilize forces to oppose him. In September there was some fighting at a distance from Kismayu and the local population fled, but within some days the conference facilitators had persuaded Hersi Morgan to return to Nairobi and re-join the reconciliation conference, although he was not selected as a member of parliament. According to Amnesty International "his presence at the peace talks, more than any of the other warlords, had highlighted the significance of the issue of impunity and its effect on human rights in the future."
In May 2005 Said Hersi Morgan left Nairobi to pay a short visit with his militia in Mogadishu and talked to representatives of the USC. The battle between the militia and the ICU for the control of the capital would start February 2006. Members of this same USC have been the victim of atrocities of troops of Said Hersi Morgan in 1992. In that year the SNF retook with assistance of the Kenyan military (in violation of a United Nations Security Council arms embargo), the Gedo region. In October 1992, the SNF captured the town of Bardera, committing atrocities against civilians who were thought to have supported the USC (solely on the basis of their clan identity) and greatly disrupting relief efforts.
In 1991, when Said Hersi was minister of defense in the Barre government, there still were 54,000 soldiers under his command. Fourteen years later only 1,000 of those remain.
Morgan's militia is currently based in the Ethiopian town of Gode, located in the southern Ogaden. The family of Mohammed Hersi Morgan lives in the United States.

Accusations of war crimes
Mohammed Said Hersi "Morgan" is held to be a war criminal by many in Somalia and abroad. A member of the British Parliament, Andrew Robathan, stated that "it is generally accepted that General Morgan, who was in Siad Barre's Government at the time, was responsible for the shooting of a large part of the male population [of Hargeysa]." (4 Feb 2004) An independent paper written for the UNHCR by Professor Kenneth Menkhaus in August 2003 stated, "General Morgan is a political pariah, likely to be the first Somali leader charged with war crimes at some point in the future." However, as yet no charges have been leveled against General "Morgan" by any international criminal court.

Despite of all of the above , the General wants to become the president of Somalia.

Qaar ka mid ah Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah oo walaac ka muujiyay mudo dhaafka golayaasha deegaanada

Annaga oo ah Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah ee Madaxa-banaan waxaanu si wayn uga walaacsanahay