Somalia president expected to resign


Somalia president expected to resign
The departure of Abdullahi Yusuf, long seen as a stabilizing force, could reignite clan warfare -- or pave the path toward peace.

By Edmund Sanders December 25, 2008

Reporting from Nairobi, Kenya -- Somalia's aging president is expected to resign in the coming days, aides said Wednesday, succumbing to threats of impeachment and international sanctions over his refusal to support a national reconciliation plan.
Abdullahi Yusuf, a warlord-turned-statesman, was once widely viewed as the linchpin of Somalia's transitional government. But in recent months, Yusuf, 74, has repeatedly clashed with the prime minister and has come to be regarded as an obstacle to peace.

Yusuf's departure would mark a turning point for the Horn of Africa nation. It could reignite clan warfare, but it also could clear the way for a new power-sharing government that includes a key Islamist opposition faction.
"Yusuf was always a liability to Somalia and to the peace process," said Ali Said Omar Ibrahim, head of the Center for Peace and Democracy, a Somali peace advocacy group. "This is going to help bring in a new era for Somalia by helping different stakeholders come together to decide the country's future."
Last week, Yusuf tried to fire the prime minister he appointed a year ago, Nur Hassan Hussein. Since the U.N.-recognized government was formed in 2004, Yusuf has had similar confrontations with others who challenged his authority, including the previous prime minister and parliament speaker.

Parliament rejected the effort to oust Hussein, and Western nations, including the United States, voiced their support for the prime minister. Some African countries, Kenya among them, threatened to impose a travel ban and asset freeze against Yusuf.
"He has come to a juncture whereby it serves a good purpose for him to yield," said Abdulrizak Durgan, a Yusuf advisor. He said the president had been facing pressure to step down for nearly a year.
"Nobody can make this decision for him," Durgan said. "He may still defy us all."
Aides say Yusuf will use the days ahead to consult with his clan leaders and make security arrangements for a return to his native Puntland in northern Somalia.
In an interview Tuesday, the prime minister declined to comment on Yusuf's possible resignation. Both men are in Somalia.
The primary dispute between the two is a reconciliation deal negotiated by Hussein, who sought to make peace with a moderate faction of the Islamic Courts Union, a religious alliance that briefly controlled the capital, Mogadishu, and southern Somalia in 2006.
Under the terms of the deal, the opposition group would receive half of the seats in a new parliament, expected to take power in early 2009.
Yusuf complained that the agreement handed too much power to a single clan and failed to include key Islamist militias that have been fueling an insurgency for two years.
If approved by parliament, the deal also probably would end Yusuf's tenure because new parliamentary elections are expected for both president and prime minister.
Experts say the so-called Djibouti agreement, named for the tiny African nation where it was signed this year, may be the last chance to salvage Somalia's government. Somalia has not had a functioning national government since 1991.
Some Yusuf supporters, however, predicted that parliament would be unable to select a new president. Mistrust is so pervasive that shouting matches are common, and one notorious session ended in a chair-tossing brawl.
"Yusuf is what holds [together] this experiment," said Mohamoud Ali, a Yusuf supporter and Foreign Ministry official.
Under Somalia's transitional charter, the speaker of parliament assumes the president's duties if he resigns and a new president should be elected within 30 days. But some lawmakers said they might delay the presidential election until February, when the new unity parliament should be in place.
Another key question is how Yusuf's clan, the Darod, will respond. Some fear the Darod will take the president's resignation as an insult, possibly setting the stage for a renewal of clan warfare between north and south. Puntland, home to most Darod, might also attempt to declare its independence. Though ruled by an autonomous government, Puntland to date has not sought to become an independent state.
Aides to the prime minister said efforts were underway to court the president's clan, including assurances that a top post in the new government -- either president, prime minister or speaker -- would be reserved for the Darod.
The political shake-up comes as Ethiopian troops, who have been supporting and protecting the transitional government since 2006, are preparing to withdraw. Experts say that about 3,400 African Union troops from Uganda and Burundi currently in Somalia will not be enough to counter the growing threat of Islamist insurgents, including Shabab, a militia designated by the United States as a terrorist group.
Shabab, which has rejected the Djibouti agreement, controls much of southern Somalia and parts of Mogadishu. It is vowing to retake all of southern Somalia and set up a strict Islamic-based government.
The prime minister, however, said his peace deal would bring stability.
"I'm not expecting to see a vacuum that will bring problems," Hussein said in the interview. "Let's be optimistic."

Turkey's IHH initiates cataract surgeries in Somaliland


Medeshi Dec 25, 2008
Turkey's IHH initiates cataract surgeries in Somalia
The IHH, which initiated cataract surgeries in African countries of Benin Ghana, Togo, Niger, Chad and Sudan, has recently launched a similar project in Somaliland.

World Bulletin / News Desk Cataract surgeries in Somaliland region of Hargeisa started on December 25, 2008 and 800 cataract patients have been brought to the light so far. A health team of two doctors and seven nurses are performing surgeries. The Somali Health Ministry appreciated the fact that all surgeries have been successful.

Patients pleased to see light

Old and young, man and woman patients who were able to recognize the light after surgery sent regards and thanks to charitable people of Turkey through our foundation.
"May Allah be pleased with the charitable person who helped bring me to the light. I will always pray for him/her," said Qirdisi after the surgery. Muhammad Dedbus, 47, said he had been suffering from cataract for five years, but could not undergo surgery due to financial hardships. I did not believe it when I first heard people were operated on free-of-charge, he said, and added "I and my son left the village and came here to find out whether the news was true. I learnt that the IHH was performing cataract surgeries free-of-charge and underwent surgery. Thank Allah I can see the light again. May Allah be pleased with people of Turkey."
100,000 people to undergo surgery The IHH aims to treat 10,000 cataract patients in Somalia within a year. In Africa, 12,000 patients have been brought to the light so far. When the cataract project is completed, 100,000 people will have been operated on.
Voluntary doctors, nurses needed

Cataract surgeries are funded by donations from charitable people of Turkey. Donation worth 100 new Turkish liras is enough to bring a cataract patient to the light. Doctors and nurses coming from Turkey as well as local doctors and nurses are performing cataract surgeries.
Source : World Bulletin

Somaliland children to benefit from health package


Somaliland children to benefit from health package
Published on 24/12/2008
By Peter Orengo
More than one million children in Somalia will benefit from a health package funded by the international community.
The programme will improve the survival rates of all children and women against preventable diseases.
On Wednesday, a campaign Child Health Days was launched in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland by Vice-President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, who urged every family to participate in the programme.
"I recommend to everyone to take their children to be vaccinated. This campaign is important because it will lead to social improvement and development of Somaliland."
The country is plagued by limited social services, poor health infrastructure and a volatile security situation.
Unicef and WHO have partnered with local authorities and NGOs to protect children under five against preventable childhood diseases and water-borne illnesses.
The children will undergo immunisation against measles, diphtheria, whooping cough, tetanus and polio.
Speaking at the launch, Unicef representative for Somaliland, Christian Balslev-Olesen said: "We aim to reach every single child with this high-impact life-saving package of interventions. Working together, we can protect children and their mothers against preventable diseases."
Sourec : the Standard

Sanctions imposed on Somalia head


Medeshi Dec 23, 2008
Sanctions imposed on Somalia head
The East African regional grouping Igad has decided to impose sanctions on Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and his associates.
In a communique after a meeting of foreign ministers in Ethiopia it backed Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein, whom the president tried to dismiss.
The grouping also discussed ways to replace Ethiopian troops when they pull out of Somalia in the next few weeks.
African Union commission head Jean Ping said Nigeria was ready to send troops.
Torn by internal conflict, Somalia has been without an effective central government for more than 15 years.
Infighting
The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in Addis Ababa says there was no doubt whose side this meeting of the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (Igad) was on.
In a place of honour on the platform was Ahmed Mohammed Goala, the Somali prime minister's newly appointed foreign minister, not his predecessor, who had been associated with President Abdullahi, our correspondent says.
At the end of the meeting, the foreign ministers of the six member states expressed their support for Mr Nur and his newly appointed cabinet, and said they regretted the attempt by the president to replace him last Sunday.
Mr Abdullahi said the government had been "paralysed by corruption, inefficiency and treason" and failed to bring peace.
However, Somalia's parliament declared the sacking illegal and passed a vote of confidence in Mr Nur by a huge majority on Monday.
In the communique issued at the end of the meeting, Igad gave its strong backing to Mr Nur and his government.
"[Igad] regrets the attempts by President Abdullahi Yusuf to unconstitutionally appoint a new prime minister that Igad does not recognise, and decides to impose sanctions on him and his associates immediately," it said.
It also called on other countries to take similar measures.
Our correspondent says that in addition to the infighting in the Somali government, the imminent departure of Ethiopian troops from the country overshadowed the meeting.
Ethiopian Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin said his country's decision to pull out over the coming weeks was "irrevocable".
Igad formally thanked the Ethiopians for the sacrifices they had made to advance the cause of peace in Somalia, but made no appeal to them to change their mind and stay.
The issue of peacekeeping will be considered further at a meeting of the African Union's Peace and Security Council on Monday.
Ministers now have the task of trying to beef up the AU's mission in Somalia, which will no longer have the comfort of knowing it can call for Ethiopian back-up when needed, our correspondent adds.
At the Igad meeting, the president of the African Union Commission said Nigeria had promised to send a battalion of about 850 soldiers to Somalia next month, and that Burundi and Uganda would each send an additional battalion.
Story from BBC NEWS:

SOMALIA: IDPs prefer camps to war-torn Mogadishu


Medeshi
SOMALIA: IDPs prefer camps to war-torn Mogadishu
NAIROBI, 22 December 2008 (IRIN) - Shukri Mohamed, a mother of seven, is not ready to return home to Mogadishu, despite changing camps four times since she was displaced by violence in 2007.
"I will only return when the last Ethiopian soldier leaves Mogadishu; because they [insurgents] say they won't stop fighting until the Ethiopians leave," she told IRIN on 22 December.
Ethiopia, which sent troops to support the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), had indicated it would leave by the end of 2008.
Mohamed, like many internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the war-torn country, is pessimistic about returning home soon.
"All this talk about them [Ethiopians] leaving and peace agreements has not changed anything," she said. "We have to see it to believe it. I hope we will soon be back home but I doubt it."
Mohamed is one of tens of thousands of civilians who fled Mogadishu to escape fighting between Ethiopian-backed government forces and insurgents in the past two years.
She said she and her family moved from one IDP camp to another whenever fighting caught up with them. "At one point, the family was sleeping under a tree, that was the hardest part, but I'd rather keep them [the children] safe under a tree,” she said.
Mohamed, who ran a shop in Towfiq area of north Mogadishu, now lives with her family in an IDP camp in Karan district.
At the camp, she said, they received food aid - "at least now my children don’t go hungry”.
A civil society activist in Mogadishu, who requested anonymity, told IRIN that many IDPs would be reluctant to return to their homes “even if the guns fall silent tomorrow”.
He said there was doubt about the departure of the Ethiopian soldiers, and "even if they do that the fighting will not stop”.
Many IDPs had lost everything, he said, adding that their homes had either been destroyed or looted in the civil war that has been raging for years.
"Many others were small-scale traders and lost the little they had and have no idea where to start,” the activist said, adding that in camps, IDPs received various services, such as food, water and some health and sanitation facilities, which they would not find if they returned to their homes.
"To many, the camps offer some sort of security. It will require a great deal of convincing, planning and support to get them back, if and when the fighting stops and the Ethiopians leave,” the activist said.
A ceasefire between the TFG and a faction of the Eritrea-based Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia, led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, has been in place since early June; however, it had not had much effect in Mogadishu, said one local journalist, who requested anonymity.
“It seems that every time they sign something, things get worse in the city,” he said. Mogadishu had seen some of the worst fighting since then, he added.
Health issues
Abikar Sheekhey, a volunteer doctor visiting makeshift IDP camps outside the city, said the health of the displaced was "not getting better".
He said that on his latest visit on 22 December to the camp in Karan, he saw people suffering from diarrhoea, TB and other respiratory and skin diseases. "Almost 90 percent of the patients I see are children," he said.
Meanwhile, a local human rights group said that at least 16,000 Somalis died between 2007 and 2008 and more than 30,000 were injured. Ali Sheikh Yassin, acting chairman of the Mogadishu-based Elman Human Rights Organization, told IRIN those were the numbers his group was able to verify.
“I am certain that the real figures are much higher as there are many unaccounted for.”
Yassin said more than a million people had been displaced by the violence. ah/mw
Theme(s): (IRIN) Conflict, (IRIN) Refugees/IDPs [ENDS]

Hidden Genocide in Somalia: UN

Medeshi Dec 23, 2008
Hidden Genocide in Somalia: UN
ADDIS ABABA — The United Nations warned on Monday, December 22, about a hidden genocide in the war-torn Horn of African country of Somalia.
(More than 10,000 civilians have been killed in Somalia over the past two years. (Reuters)
"There is a hidden genocide in Somalia which has sacrificed entire generations," UN special envoy to Somalia Ahmedou Ould Abdallah told a meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) in Addis Ababa, reported Agence France Presse (AFP).
Somalia has been ravaged by violence since Ethiopian troops invaded the country in 2006 to topple the ruling Islamic Courts at the request of the weak interim government.
More than 10,000 civilians have been killed, over a million displaced and a third of the population dependent on emergency aid.
In an August report, the Human Rights Watch accused the warring parties of committing serious war crimes and massive human rights violations.
The New York-based watchdog particularly slammed Ethiopian forces for "deliberate attacks" on civilians and hospitals.
But Somali's problem go beyond the current conflict as the country has been without a central government for more than 17 years.
Alarming
The UN urged African countries to help achieve peace in the war-wrecked country.
"The Somali problem is a problem for the whole region," said Abdallah.
"The security situation in Somalia is alarming…piracy is escalating against the background of weakening leadership and insurgents control nearly all the country with the exception of Mogadishu and Baidoa," the PSC said in a statement.
It called on Ethiopia to delay a move to withdraw its 3,000 forces from Somalia to allow for reinforcements.
"We appeal to Ethiopia to consider phasing out withdrawal, until such time (when) more troops from Nigeria, Uganda and Burundi are deployed in Somalia."
About 850 Nigerian troops are expected to strengthen the 3,200 AU peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi, to prevent a security vacuum when the Ethiopians leave.
The AU said they were expected soon but no concrete time has been given.
Uganda and Burundi have a battalion each ready to go, but need financial support and equipment to deploy.
Ethiopian minister of state Tekeda Alemu said their pullout decision was irreversible.
"The decision to withdraw troops from Somalia was a commitment made by the country's authorities to parliament and will not be changed."

Secuity Council Report on Somaliland


Medeshi
Dec 23 , 2008
Part of the Security Council Report on (Somalia) Somaliland

43. The Somaliland authorities maintain a total security establishment of
approximately 22,000 security personnel, including military, police and intelligence
services. There is no air force or navy, but a small civilian coast guard functions
under the auspices of the Ministry of the Interior.
44. Somaliland security forces are paid and equipped principally with tax revenues
raised by the administration. In 2008, the total security budget was $7,830,717,
equivalent to 49 per cent of the total Somaliland budget ($16,140,804). The security
component was further broken down as follows:
• military: $4,629,341
• custodial corps: $881,768
• police: $2,287,862
• Ministry of the Interior: $31,746
45. Supplementary assistance to the police is provided by the European
Commission, the British Government, the UNDP rule of law programme, and IOM.
The Somaliland authorities and Ethiopian Government also cooperate closely on
security matters, and Ethiopia reportedly provides training for Somaliland military
officers.
S/2008/769
16 08-60473
46. Somaliland is currently not an active belligerent in the Somali conflict, but its
claim to independence and dispute with the Puntland administration over Sool and
eastern Sanaag regions could potentially lead to armed conflict in future. In October
2007, Somaliland forces and allied militias took control of the town of Laas Anood,
capital of the Sool region, which is also claimed by Puntland.
Somaliland army
47. The chain of command of the Somaliland army is as follows: Commander-in-
Chief: President Daahir Rayale Kaahin; Minister of Defence: Abdillahi Ali Ibrahim;
and Chief of Staff: Nuh Ismail Tani.
48. Budgetary allocations for the Somaliland army are based on an effective
strength of 16,000, and open source estimates range as high as an improbable
64,000. A March 2004 security sector workshop assessed total strength of the army
at 11,000 members, of which 6,000 were war widows, invalids and elderly who were
nevertheless still on the payroll.
Somaliland Police Force
49. The chain of command of the Somaliland Police Force is as follows: Minister
of the Interior: Abdillahi Ismail Ali ‘Irro’; and Chief of Staff: Mohamed Sanqadhi
Dubad.
50. The strength of the Somaliland Police Force is estimated at 3,000. UNDP
supports a 400-strong Special Protection Unit, which provides site protection and
armed escort for humanitarian operations.
Somaliland Custodial Corps
51. The chain of command of the Somaliland Custodial Corps is as follows:
Minister of Justice: Ahmed Ali Asowe.
52. The Custodial Corps consists of 1,540 armed guards, posted at various prisons
around the territory.
Somaliland National Intelligence Agency
53. The chain of command of the Somaliland National Intelligence Agency is as
follows: political authority: President Daahir Rayale Kaahin; and Director General:
Mohamed Nur Osman.
54. The Somaliland National Intelligence Agency serves as the principal
intelligence and counter-terrorism service of the Somaliland authorities, and
contains the Immigration Department.
55. It is apparently funded from the Somaliland budget through the Ministry of the
Presidency. It reportedly receives additional support from foreign donors, including
IOM and the Government of the United Kingdom.

Somalia: To Move Beyond the Failed State

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW REPORT
Somalia: To Move Beyond the Failed State
Nairobi/Brussels, 23 December 2008: Somalia’s latest transitional government is collapsing, but there is a chance to rescue a dire humanitarian and security situation if Western and other powers fundamentally revise their approach to a political solution.
Somalia: To Move Beyond the Failed State,* the latest International Crisis Group report, argues that the announced withdrawal at year’s end of the Ethiopian army, which intervened in December 2006, opens a new period of uncertainty and risk but also provides a chance to launch an inclusive political process. “The world is preoccupied with a symptom – piracy – instead of concentrating on a political settlement, the core of the crisis”, says Rashid Abdi, Crisis Group’s Somalia Analyst. “There is no quick fix to Somalia’s tragedy, but this opportunity must not be missed”.
The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) has failed to create a broad-based government and now exists almost solely in name. President Abdillahi Yusuf has marginalised most of the population, exacerbated divisions and become a liability. Talks begun in Djibouti eight months ago have accomplished little, not least because the parts of the Islamist insurgency with the most guns and territory are not participating.
Opposition to Ethiopia’s occupation has been the one issue on which the fractious insurgency agrees. When that glue is removed, infighting will likely increase, making it hard for the militias to sustain a military victory and creating political opportunities. The international community has been reluctant to engage with the Islamist opposition. U.S. air strikes at suspected foreign extremists have increased the insurgency’s popularity.
There is reason to believe that despite radical posturing, a significant majority in the Islamist insurgency would engage in a political process that does not seek to criminalise it and offers them a role in future governance. There is no other practical course than to reach out to it in an effort to stabilise the security situation with a ceasefire and then move on with a process that addresses the root causes of the conflict. In the course of that effort, the insurgents will need to provide assurances about the kind of Islamic state they envisage as well as clarify their rejection of foreign groups like al-Qaeda.
The African Union peacekeeping mission (AMISOM) originally sent to Mogadishu to relieve the Ethiopians is unable to fulfil its task and will be at increasing risk following their withdrawal. But it would be a bad idea to try to send a UN peacekeeping mission in now, as the U.S. wants the Security Council to do, when there is no viable peace process and enough troops cannot be found. The order of priorities must be a political settlement, then UN peacekeepers.
“One way or another, Somalia is likely to be dominated by Islamist forces”, argues Daniela Kroslak, Crisis Group’s Africa Program Deputy Director. “It makes sense, therefore, to offer the incentives of international recognition and extensive assistance in return for an agreement that is based on compromises by all major Somali actors and promotes the rights and well-being of all Somalis”.

Somalia crisis talks in Ethiopia

Medeshi Dec 21, 2008
Somalia crisis talks in Ethiopia
Ethiopia is hosting a series of talks on the deepening crisis in its neighbour, Somalia.
Foreign ministers from east Africa are meeting in the capital, Addis Ababa, to be followed by talks by the African Union's peace and security council.
The emergency meetings come after Ethiopia decided to withdraw its troops from Somalia by the end of December.
Islamist insurgents are gaining ground again after Ethiopia intervened two years ago to help government forces.
Different Islamist groups now control much of southern Somalia once more.
The Ethiopian troops and forces loyal to the interim Somali government are limited to parts of Mogadishu and the central town of Baidoa, where parliament is based.
Twin crises
The transitional government is in disarray, says the BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in Addis Ababa, after President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed attempted to sack Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein - a move the prime minister and parliament rejected.
With the president facing impeachment, it is not clear how much of a government is left for Somalia's neighbours in the East African regional grouping, Igad, and the AU to support, says our correspondent.
When the Ethiopian soldiers leave Somalia, the small African Union peacekeeping force will be on its own.
Only a tiny handful of countries answered a call from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to send forces to help, and no-one has volunteered to fill a leadership role.
It is these twin political and security crises that the foreign ministers from the East African regional organisation Igad (Inter-governmental Authority on Development) and the AU's peace and security council will seek to address at their meetings on Sunday and Monday.
About one million people have fled their homes, many after fierce fighting in Mogadishu between Islamists and the Ethiopia-backed government forces.
Some three million people need food aid - about one-third of the population.
Somalia has not had a functioning national government since 1991, when warlords overthrew President Mohamed Siad Barre and then turned on each other.
Story from BBC NEWS:

Somali group seeks Sharia expansion


Medeshi Dec 21, 2008
Somali group seeks Sharia expansion
Fighters with Al-Shabab, an armed group that has taken control of the southern city of Kismayu, have told Al Jazeera they plan to impose Islamic law across Somalia.
Kismayu, Somalia's third biggest city, was once one of the most dangerous places in the south of the country.
However, relative calm has been restored to Kismayu after the Al-Shabab Mujahideen Movement and one of its key allies, the Raaskambooni Camp Mujahideen, seized control of the city from local clans three months ago.
Abu Ayman, the leader of the Raaskambooni Camp Mujahideen, told Al Jazeera: "We want to use Kismayu as an example and a model of our rule to the rest of Somalia.
"Our aim is to get residents in faraway towns inviting us to come and govern them according to the way of Allah. The calm in Kismayu has benefited its down-trodden most."
Most of Kismayu’s residents agree with Ayman, saying they are now able to go about normal life without fear of attacks by marauding gangs of armed men who had terrorised them periodically for nearly 18 years.
"I remember times when young boys with knives used to rob us of our daily earnings. Now we can carry lots of money without any fear of being robbed," Mohammed Fundi, a porter and Kismayu resident, said.
Seyyid Ali, also a porter in the city, said: “We used to be sort of enslaved. When we load six lorries, we used to be paid for just one or two. Today we get wages equal to our output. We have justice here.”
Peace, at a price
But Mohammed Adow, Al Jazeera’s correspondent in Kismayu, said the apparent peace had come at a price.
“International aid agencies, the lifeline of Somalia’s poor, fled the town because of the fighting.
"They have still not returned as the Islamists have little tolerance for anything - or anyone – foreign," he said.
Adow said that "the suffering is huge as the poor are largely left to fend for themselves".
Kismayu has been left with just one hospital to serve the needs of nearly one million people from the city and surrounding areas.
The hospital used to be run by Medicins Sans Frontier, who were forced to abandon the centre eight months ago after members of staff were killed by fighters.
Now, it is common for just one doctor to be on duty at a time, and medical supplies are dwindling.
Total breakdown
Dr Ali Hassan, who works at the hospital, said: “Our needs are many. Imagine a hospital like this operating without assistance from government or aid agencies. We have a shortage of drugs, equipment and staff are not motivated in any way."
"They [residents] have survived the vagaries of war. They have weathered the almost 20 changes in Kismayu’s administrations over the past 18 years and its people have learned to live with and obey any group that has the upper hand," he said.
Somalia has had no effective government since a coup removed Siad Barre from power in 1991, leading to an almost total breakdown in law and order across most of the country.
The only relative stability experienced by some parts of the country came during the brief six-month rule of the Islamic Courts Union in 2006.
However, they were driven out of the capital Mogadishu, and other areas, by Ethiopian and government troops – sparking an upsurge in fighting.
Ethiopia is due to remove its troops from war-torn Somalia by the end of the year.
Source:
Al Jazeera

How Bush Failed Somalia


Medeshi Dec 21, 2008
How Bush Failed Somalia
Two years ago the United States intervened in East African politics in a way that has been responsible for the deaths of untold thousands of people, has created the pirate problem, and is breeding a new generation of anti-American jihadists.
Matthew Yglesias December 18, 2008 web only
Americans don't spend much time thinking about Somalia. And what time we do spend has in recent months been focused on somewhat amused accounts of the uptick in pirate activity off the Somali coast. But the piracy is but a symptom of the larger problem of lawlessness and anarchy in Somalia. To Americans who have paid no attention to East Africa in the time between the departure of U.S. forces from Somalia in 1995 and the recent spate of pirate attacks, this situation may appear merely endemic to the region. But it's not. The Somali situation was, in many ways, improving as of two years ago. At which point the Bush administration initiated a new adventure that, like most Bush administration deeds, was ill-conceived and worked out poorly. In this case, it destroyed the country, has been responsible for the deaths of untold thousands of people, has created the pirate problem, and is breeding a new generation of anti-American jihadists.
And nobody in the United States seems to have noticed.
In part, this is because Somalia is an obscure corner of the world. And in part it's because the crucial events took place almost exactly two years ago -- during the Christmas season when most journalists were on vacation and most people weren't following the news.
Two years ago, most of Somalia was under the control of a militia called the Islamic Courts Union. This was, as the name suggests, an Islamist movement that arose out of sharia courts that had begun to provide some measure of local judicial authority amid Somalia's anarchy. Eventually, the ICU acquired armed forces and was able to seize control of the capital city, Mogadishu, and begin expanding its control over broader and broader swaths of the country. The ICU was not made up of nice people, and it didn't have a model of governance that was going to win any human-rights awards. What's more, one of the forces it was fighting against was the de jure government, the so-called Transitional Federal Government, a ragtag and essentially powerless group that had been put together some years prior under United Nations auspices. But the ICU did manage to bring a degree of actual law and order to the territories it supervised, and it wasn't trying to pick any fights with the United States. It was, in short, an improvement over the previous 15 years or so of anarchy.
But during the middle of the decade, the United States military had been building increasingly close ties with Ethiopia, hoping to turn that country into our key regional proxy. And Ethiopia and Somalia have traditionally been rivals. As the TFG got weaker, it also drew closer to Ethiopia. And when ICU forces attached the TFG's holdout in the south central city of Baidoa on Dec. 20, Ethiopian forces came to the TFG's rescue. By Dec. 24 -- Christmas Eve -- Ethiopian forces announced that they were staging a counterattack aimed at routing the ICU. The United States supported the operation, both with intelligence and some direct special-forces engagement and also diplomatically, which is crucially important since U.S. military assistance was how Ethiopia built their best-in-the-region military force. Before New Year's Eve, Ethiopians were in control of Mogadishu and began an occupation of the country in the name of the TFG.
To those of us who were both paying attention and chastened by the misadventure in Iraq, this looked like a recipe for disaster. Here was a largely Christian country (Ethopia), operating with the support of the United States, trying to occupy a largely Islamic country (Somalia) whose population has historically been at odds with the former. The inevitable results would be insurgency, death, destruction, anarchy, and the development of a more dangerous strain of Islamism as the United States sent the message that we were the enemy of all Somali Islamists whether or not they had any quarrel with us.
Some conservatives took note of these events to engage in some of their usual short-sighted bloody-mindedness. James Robbins observed in National Review that “Ethiopia is in it to win, nice to see a country in the developing world (or anywhere for that matter) that can take care of business." TNR‘s James Kirchick hailed the Ethiopian invasion as just and the U.S. participation, a worthy counterterrorism strategy.
Of course what actually happened was a downward spiral of insurgency, violence, criminality, piracy, death, destruction, and humanitarian tragedy. Over the summer, the U.N. decided the humanitarian situation was "worse than Darfur." Somalia has the world's highest rate of malnutrition. Because of the precarious security situation, it's extraordinarily difficult for humanitarian-aid organizations to operate. And because of the dismal record of foreign interventions in Somalia, no foreign countries are interested in intervening to stabilize things.
Of course the United States and the Bush administration are hardly the only blameworthy actors here. But we are blameworthy. We could have just minded our own business. But instead, in a fit of thoughtlessness, we initiated a policy that nobody in the States paid much attention to and that over a period of years has prompted massive human suffering around the world. And the Bush administration is continuing to make things worse in its final weeks in office. I can only hope that the incoming Obama administration will spend some time thinking about Somalia and learning not only specific policy lessons but also developing a sense of humility about the damage that can be done when the world's only superpower thrashes around carelessly.

US search for local link to Somaliland bombing


Medeshi
US homeland security looks for local link to Somaliland bombing
By Harvey Morris in New York
Published: December 20 2008
US authorities are targeting the country's Somali community following the discovery of a US link in a recent suicide bombing in Somaliland and the unexplained disappearance of young Somali-American men from the US.
More than a dozen Somali-American families in the midwest have reported their sons missing, fearing they may have fled to join al-Qaeda-linked groups in east Africa.
Establishing the youths' whereabouts has become more urgent since the perpetrator of a suicide bomb in autonomous Somaliland in October was identified as a naturalised American from Minneapolis, the Financial Times has learnt.
Members of the 70,000-strong Somali community in the state fear local imams are indoctrinating young men to join Islamist radicals fighting the western-backed transitional government in Mogadishu. Many of the youths, aged about 18 and 19, were American-born, said Omar Jamal, a community leader.
The spread of home-grown fundamentalism among American Muslims would mark a new trend in the US, although countries in Europe, including the UK, have been victims of attacks carried out by locally born Muslims.
The Federal Bureau of Investigation, following standard practice, refused to confirm or deny an investigation was under way. A spokesman said the agency was aware of the disappearances and feared some of the missing had gone to fight in Africa. There was no evidence they planned terror attacks on home soil.
The local Somali community fears they may have gone to join the al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab, an organisation that could try to seize Mogadishu if, as expected, Ethiopia pulls out the troops it has stationed in the capital since it intervened in Somalia two years ago.
The only other presence standing in the Islamists' way is an ineffective African peacekeeping force that Washington wants the UN to replace. Condoleezza Rice, US secretary of state, was at the UN this week to try to overcome the resistance of US allies to deploying a UN force.
Mr Jamal, a Somali community representative in Minneapolis, said US authorities recently prevented a local imam, suspected of recruiting Somali-American youths, from flying out of the US.
"There has been a conscious process of recruitment through mosques in the area. Our concern is that they'll be radicalised in Somalia and then sent back here," said Mr Jamal.

Somalia : The shining stupidity of the US Vice-President and the Ethiopian Prime Minister


Gwynne Dyer: The U.S. and Ethiopia's blunder in Somalia
By Gwynne Dyer
Statesmen ought to have a special prize just for themselves, like fools have the Darwin Awards. The Darwin Awards commemorate very stupid people who did a service to human evolution by accidentally removing themselves from the gene pool. The statesman’s equivalent could be called something like the Cheney-Zenawi Award.
I mention this because the shining stupidity of the US Vice-President and the Ethiopian Prime Minister are on special display this week, as the Ethiopian army prepares to withdraw from Somalia two years after its foredoomed invasion, leaving the country in the hands of precisely the people whom they wanted to eliminate. We need negative role models too, and you couldn’t ask for worse than this pair.
(Dick Cheney's shades reflect a strange being)
I can’t actually prove that getting Ethiopia to invade Somalia was Dick Cheney’s brainchild, but it smells exactly like a Dick Cheney idea: crude, violent, and barking up entirely the wrong tree. Just like invading Iraq, in fact.
As for Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, he had already distinguished himself by becoming obsessed with the stupidest border war in modern African history. It wasn’t his fault to start with: Ethiopia was attacked out of the blue in 1998 by the insanely aggressive regime in Eritrea, but Ethiopian troops drove the Eritreans back. By the ceasefire in mid-2000, Ethiopia had recovered all the ground it lost at the start.
An international commission found Eritrea guilty of aggression, and another one arbitrated all the disputed stretches of border, granting Ethiopia most of its claims. Both sides said they would accept the rulings—and then Zenawi walked away from the deal. He has been getting ready for another war with Eritrea ever since.
Going to war with Eritrea again would mean defying the United Nations ruling, so Zenawi needed the backing of some great power that could protect him from the UN’s censure. Who better than the United States, which has assiduously ignored and belittled the UN under the Bush administration? Now what could Ethiopia do for the Bush administration in return?
Well, it could invade Somalia. Washington didn’t want to put American troops into Somalia again, having had its nose bloodied in 1993, but it did want to overthrow the civilian regime that was restoring peace in southern Somalia and put its favourite warlord in power instead. Ethiopian troops would do the job just as well.
I think I can see the self-satisfied smirk on Cheney’s face as he closed the deal: another triumph for the subtle master of geopolitics. I can’t make out the look on Zenawi’s face, but maybe he was smiling too. Too clever by half, as the saying goes.
The job was to overthrow the Union of Islamic Courts, a mass movement funded by local merchants in Mogadishu who wanted to end the constant robberies and kidnaps that made life impossible in the Somali capital. The UIC mobilised the desire of ordinary Somalis for an end to the violence that had ravaged the country for fifteen years, and the peace they brought to Mogadishu soon spread over most of southern Somalia.
Unfortunately the courts were “Islamic” and they wanted to enforce sharia law, which in Washington’s book made them practically terrorists. They did have a few unsavoury allies, notably an extremist militia called al-Shebab, but they gave people in Mogadishu their first real hope of security and justice. They should not have been destroyed.
The Ethiopian army invaded Somalia in December 2006, drove the Islamic Courts out of Mogadishu, and installed Abdullahi Yusuf, the president of the “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, in power. Well, not exactly in power, since the citizens and militias of Mogadishu immediately began attacking the hated Ethiopians, who only controlled whatever was in their gunsights. As for Abdullahi Yusuf, he only controlled a suite of rooms and some telephones.
He was originally chosen as president of the TFG, with ample US support, at a conclave of Somali warlords dignified with the name of “parliament” in Kenya in 2004. He would never have made it back to Mogadishu without the help of the Ethiopian army, and accepting that help made him deeply suspect in the eyes of most Somalis.
The resistance has driven the Ethiopian army out of most of southern Somalia in the past two years, and now the Ethiopians are going home. Abdullahi Yusuf will have to leave too, since he has no supporters except the Ethiopians and the Americans. Which will leave Mogadishu in the hands not of the Union of Islamic Courts, alas, but rather of the extremist militias that have pushed the UIC aside during their struggle against the foreign troops.
It’s almost as perverse as the Bush administration’s decision to eliminate Iran’s two great enemies in the Gulf, Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Ethiopia and the United States have not only plunged Somalia needlessly back into war. They have made it possible for the nastiest, craziest extremists, people who think it is their duty to kill other Muslims with “un-Islamic” haircuts, to take power in Mogadishu.
The world needs a Cheney-Zenawi Award for Gross Political Stupidity, and I know who the first nominees should be.
Gwynne Dyer’s new book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.

The rise of the Shabab


The rise of the Shabab
Dec 18th 2008 KIUNGA
From The Economist print edition
Islamist fighters are taking over swathes of Africa’s most utterly failed state
Reuters
FOR all its paradisal waters, golden dunes and swanky “eco-lodges”, life in Kenya’s coastal district of Kiunga, just a few miles from the border with Somalia, is hard. The place is remote, hungry and thirsty. The harvest and the wells have failed again. Fishermen have no boats, only frayed nets cast from shore. Their catch rots for want of refrigeration. But what makes the village elders more nervous than anything is their proximity to Somalia.
During a war in the 1960s between Kenya and Somali bandits, known as “shifta”, who were egged on by Somalia, Kiunga was evacuated. These days a rough track, impassable during the rains, barely connects the two countries. The border has been closed since December 2006, when jihadist fighters in Somalia retreated headlong from Mogadishu, the capital, and Kismayo, a southern port, into the mangrove swamps around Ras Kamboni, just inside Somalia. There they were shredded by Ethiopian artillery and American air raids.

An attack on Kenya by Somali jihadists based near the border is unlikely. Resurgent fighters still train there but look north. They belong to the Shabab (Youth), the armed wing of the former Islamic Courts Union that was all but wiped out two years ago. The presence of hated Ethiopian troops in Somalia, together with a corrupt and hapless transitional Somali government, gave the Shabab a chance to regroup.
Money and arms from Eritrea, which wants to use Somalia to hurt Ethiopia, as well as from some Arab countries, enabled it to recruit. Several thousand have signed up in the past year. They attend large training camps in southern Somalia where one of the instructors is said to be a white American mujahideen. They are expected to disavow music, videos, cigarettes and qat, the leaf Somali men chew most afternoons to get mildly high. Thus resolved, they wrap their faces in scarves and seek to fight the infidel. In return, they get $100 a month, are fed, and can expect medical treatment and payments if they are wounded, as well as burial costs and cash for their families if they are killed.
The Shabab now controls much of south Somalia and chunks of Mogadishu. It took Kismayo a few months ago. The port of Marka, which takes in food aid, fell more recently. Many fighters are loosely grouped around two older jihadist commanders with strongholds near Kenya’s border, Mukhtar Robow and Hassan Turki.
Mr Robow celebrated the recent festival of Eid al-Adha by hosting prayers in Mogadishu’s cattle market. How sweet it would be at Eid, he told the gathering, if instead of slaughtering an animal in praise of Allah, they would slaughter an Ethiopian. On a visit to Marka he was only slightly less belligerent. He urged reconciliation—except with enemies of Islam. There are many of those, it seems. Hundreds of Somali aid workers, human-rights campaigners and journalists have been killed or exiled. Foreigners have been shot and kidnapped, in two cases just across Somalia’s border, in Kenya and Ethiopia. Where it cannot exert control, the Shabab excuses banditry. Borrowing tactics from Afghanistan’s Taliban, it spreads chaos to build a new order.
The Shabab has learnt from its mistakes in 2006, when it was overwhelmed in a few days by the Ethiopian army. It is now more pragmatic and more aggressive. This time round, it is apparently not picking fights with wealthy qat merchants. Men can chew what they like—but won’t be “clean enough” to get a lucrative job in Kismayo’s port. Education is encouraged. Girls can go to school. Charcoal burning is forbidden for the sake of the environment.
But the Shabab has also tightened its own security. Alleged spies for the transitional government or for Ethiopia are routinely beheaded with blunt knives. Mr Turki, the jihadist leader who lives mostly in the bush near the Kenyan border, sleeps in different houses when he is in a town. Public floggings and executions strike fear. So do masked faces. “Before, we knew who killed our relatives,” says a Kismayo merchant. “Now we don’t even know that.”
Most tellingly, the Shabab has learnt how to get hold of money faster. It concentrates its fighters in towns where there is money to be earned. The aim is to create an army that puts Islamist identity above divisive clan loyalties. Shabab commanders say a pious state will emerge once weaker militias have been disarmed. Some reckon that the Shabab shares some of the ransoms earned by pirates who operate out of the central Somali port of Haradheere. Those in Puntland, farther north, are apparently beyond the Shabab’s reach.
Ethiopia says it will withdraw its troops within weeks, once ships evacuate the 3,000 Ugandan and Burundian peacekeepers under the African Union’s aegis holed up in Mogadishu. Somalia’s transitional government looks even feebler than before. This week the president, Abdullahi Yusuf, an ageing warlord, sacked his prime minister, Nur Hussein, blaming him for what the president called a corrupt, inept and traitorous government. Mr Hussein refused to resign, and won a vote of confidence in parliament. Mr Yusuf went ahead and appointed his own prime minister anyway. More factional fighting beckons.
The UN says Somalia is the world’s worst humanitarian emergency. Some 3.2m people are said to need aid. The UN, which says 40,000 Somali children could soon starve to death, expects fighting over food to break out, another reason the Shabab wants to control the ports. Pirates make it hard to deliver aid. Their activities may be curtailed after the UN Security Council this week let foreign governments chase pirates in Somalia itself as well as at sea. But the piracy will probably continue as long as the catastrophe on land does.
George Bush’s administration backed some of Mogadishu’s worst warlords as part of its war on terror. President Obama will have to take a new tack. The AU force has proved ineffective but a bigger or more robust intervention, by America or any other country, is not expected; this week Condoleezza Rice, America’s secretary of state, called in vain for UN peacekeepers to be sent. A new American administration is unlikely to urge negotiation any time soon with the Shabab; it is still listed as a terrorist group by the Americans and may indeed shelter al-Qaeda people. It may have sleeper agents in Kenya and even in Britain. It has certainly become stronger.

Pirate attacks threaten food price hikes in African nations


Medeshi Dec 19, 2008
Pirate attacks threaten food price hikes in African nations
Pirate attacks wreaking havoc on one of the world's key shipping routes could cause sharp price hikes for food deliveries to African countries that can little afford it, port operators say.
"The costs of maritime transport will be affected -- either by a detour to avoid the Gulf of Aden route or by insurance fees -- and will be directly passed on to consumers," said Jerome Ntibarekerwa, head of the Port Management Association of Eastern and Southern Africa.
"For African countries, especially those that are isolated, the cost of transporting imported products already represents 70 percent of the final consumer price."
Pirates have attacked more than 100 ships since the start of the year in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean off lawless and conflict-torn Somalia despite the recent presence of foreign navies in the region seeking to stop them.
In the latest wave of attacks, pirates hit three ships in the Gulf of Aden on Tuesday while Chinese sailors backed up by international naval vessels fought off attackers trying to hijack their vessel.
International efforts to counter the increasingly bold raids were boosted late Tuesday when the United Nations Security Council approved operations against the pirates' land lairs in Somalia.
But the threat of repercussions for both the region and the rest of the world remains -- and the loot currently held by the pirates is a clear illustration.
They now hold at least 15 ships, including a Saudi-owned super-tanker with two million barrels of crude oil and an arms-laden Ukrainian cargo vessel.
While residents of African nations are facing increases in prices on food and other imports, the ports themselves are also at risk, officials say.
Ntibarekerwa spoke of the possibility of "seeing certain companies frankly deserting our ports, causing slowdowns in merchandise transport and making it impossible to send our exports."
He said the pirate attacks threatened "serious implications" for ports.
Authorities in Djibouti, a small nation bordering Somalia that relies heavily on shipping, are particularly concerned.
"Piracy is among our biggest worries," said Djibouti Transport Minister Hassan Bahdon.
With Somalia, which has not had a functioning government for almost two decades, unable to clamp down on the pirates itself and international navies struggling to patrol the vast region, port officials say coastal African nations must unite against the problem.
"We are going to raise this problem at the next (African Union) summit in January to attempt to find a common position on the problem and to harmonise our legislative frameworks," said Imed Zamit, head of the African Union's maritime transport unit.
He said "indispensable African trade occurs by sea and through the ports."
The port management association is also attempting to have its members adopt a common approach that authorises land military operations that would allow them to pursue pirates.
"The draft agreement is ready. All that's left is for the member states to accept it," said Ntibarekerwa. "We must also discuss cooperation between the European Union (anti-piracy) force and our member states, and the installation of a common anti-piracy operations centre, likely in Djibouti."
A European Union naval force started anti-piracy operations on December 8 and has six warships, three surveillance planes and four helicopters.
Ntibarekerwa said countries in southern and eastern Africa have not been unified in their approach because some have not been as badly affected by piracy as others.
But that attitude cannot last, he said, "because piracy and its consequences, along with the global financial and economic crisis, will have a particularly negative effect on our line of business in Africa."

Qaar ka mid ah Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah oo walaac ka muujiyay mudo dhaafka golayaasha deegaanada

Annaga oo ah Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah ee Madaxa-banaan waxaanu si wayn uga walaacsanahay